January 2023, vol.17, pp.12-30 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2023.v17_02
The Buddhist monk artisans of Korea are considered exceptional even in the East Asian cultural sphere that shares much of their Buddhist culture. They entered the Buddhist priesthood, abided by Vinaya (precepts) and possessed considerable technical skills. Their existence is verified in historical records going back as far as the Three Kingdoms period (57 BCE-668 CE). When the Seon (Chan), or meditation, school of Buddhism was introduced during the Unified Silla Dynasty (676–935), physical effort became recognized as an ascetic practice. Accordingly, monks actively engaged in building temples and producing images for worship. During the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392), groups of expert monk artisans were formed, such as monk transcribers. Monk artisans who participated in public service to the state were given the posts of Seon (meditation) master (禪師) or Great Seon master (大禪師). Notable monks specializing in arts and crafts include Trice-exalted Great Master (三重大師, K. samjungdaesa) Anche (安締), a monk transcriber who was commissioned by the king to hand-copy the Tripitaka at the Eunjadaejangwon (銀字大藏院, Silver Letter Tripitaka Office) and Noyeong (魯英), who painted the Small Black-lacquered Screen with Image in Gold (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Dharmodgata Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva by the monk Noyeong. Goryeo, 1307. 22.5 × 13.0 cm. Gold on lacquer. National Museum of Korea Noteworthy changes in the characteristics of Buddhist monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1910) can be understood in the context of the difficulties that Buddhist circles faced in a society that had proclaimed Confucianism as its governing philosophy. The ruler and leading figures in Joseon-era Korean society often regarded Buddhist monks as a mobilizable labor force that could reduce the people’s burden of corvee labor. Institutional restrictions on becoming a Buddhist monk and on the construction and maintenance of Buddhist temples were put in place, but the demand for the functions of a religion that could support communities and the lives of individuals rose. The roles of monk artisans expanded as they took part in both Buddhist temple projects and national public works. Although bronze casting of Buddhist craftworks, including bells and gongs, was gradually taken over by artisans from the commoner class, the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings was entrusted solely to monk artisans. The situation in Joseon greatly differed from that in its neighbors, China and Japan. In China, professional painters called huashi (畫師) or huagong (畫工) were responsible for producing Buddhist art during the Ming Dynasty (明, 1368–1644). In Japan, artisans known as busshi (佛師) had taken charge of Buddhist projects commissioned by the nobles and imperial court since the late Heian period (平安時代, 794–1185). Japanese busshi created a genealogy based on blood ties or teacher-student relationships and gradually evolved into Buddhist project groups that maintained private workshops. Busshi artisans received dharma names as monks do, but those names simply indicated that the state had granted a type of honorary position to them. They were not monks who had entered the Buddhist priesthood. As the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings became the exclusive responsibility of monk artisans during the Joseon Dynasty, diverse schools displaying distinctive production styles came to be established in different regions (Fig. 2). Buddhist sculptures and paintings were produced through collaboration among several monk artisans within a school, and techniques were shared and disseminated among them according to their skill levels rather than being monopolized by particular members. The areas of their activities were broad since these monk artisans worked based not only on the temples where they stayed but also on human networks centering around their monastic lineages (門中, K. munjung). In the process, some temples became famous for training apprentices and producing monk artisans by transmitting key techniques. Fig. 2. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012) who is creating a Buddhist painting This paper aims to explore the roles and working practices of Joseon-era Buddhist monk painters who served as both Buddhist practitioners and artists. It also examines the organization and working environment of monk painters through historical materials that have been passed down to temples. By doing so, I hope to enhance the understanding of Joseon Buddhist temples not only as religiously sacred spaces, but also as places that played a social role in the creation and consumption of art. Monks Called Hwawon Buddhist Rituals and the Roles of Monk Painters In China, Buddhist scriptures emphasizing rituals and rules for creating images were published starting in the Tang Dynasty (唐, 618–907). There was no regulation stating that only monks should produce Buddhist sculptures and paintings. Nonetheless, in Korea, monks rather than artisans from the commoner class, assumed full responsibility for producing Buddhist sculptures and paintings. This was because the production of Buddhist sculptures and paintings required expertise in Buddhist iconography and doctrines, and also because rituals for enlivening images by dotting the eyes (點眼, K. jeoman) or depositing votive objects (佛腹藏, K. bulbokjang) inside the images were practiced. Joseon-era Buddhist temples served as publishers. They carved the woodblocks for a wide range of books, including scriptures, annotations, and textbooks used at Gangwon (講院, Buddhist seminaries) and then printed them out. As ritual procedures became central religious activities in Buddhism within a society pursuing Confucian order and stressing Confucian rites, various types of ritual manuals were published. These manuals include Sanbobeomeumjip (刪補梵音集, Collection of Supplemented Sanskrit Sounds), Yeongsan daehoe jakbeop jeolcha (靈山大會作法節次, Procedures of the Rite for the Great Vulture Peak Assembly), and, Cheonji myeongyang suryukjaeui beomeum sanbojip (天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast). According to them, large-scale Buddhist projects and rituals should start only after hanging Buddhist paintings. Another ritual manual, Jagimun jeolcha jorye (仔夔文節次條列, List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui), was compiled by Gyepa Seongneung (桂坡聖能), who founded Haeinsa Temple and constructed Bukhansanseong Fortress as Paldodochongseop (八道都摠攝, A General Commissioner of the Eight Provinces). The manual advises that pictorial images of several deities should be placed out before a ritual and that they should be enlivened by dotting the eyes based on certain formalities (Fig. 3). It also contains methods for writing Sanskrit characters on a variety of types of Buddhist paintings used for rituals (Fig. 4). Fig. 3. Jagimun jeolcha jorye (List of Ritual Procedures by Zi Kui) compiled by Monk Gyepa Seongneung. Published by Haeinsa Temple in 1724 Fig. 4. Sanskrit characters written on the pupils, eyelids, and a tuft of hair in a detail of the gwaebul painting at Cheonggoksa Temple by Uigyeom and nine other monk painters. Joseon, 1722. Ink and color on hemp cloth. Cheonggoksa Temple, Jinju. National Treasure The demand for Buddhist sculptures was huge in the seventeenth century. In and after the eighteenth century, however, a reorganization of rituals resulted in a growth in the demand for Buddhist paintings and the expansion of the roles of monk painters. Buddhist halls served not just as symbolic spaces for enshrining Buddhist sculptures, but as important spaces for worshipping deities and performing rituals. Among the several types of Buddhist halls, the main hall included a representation of the process of a three-altar ritual by enshrining Buddhist paintings suitable for the three altars. During outdoor rituals, large-scale gwaebul (掛佛) paintings and other paintings produced for the rituals were hung outside the halls. Inside the halls, several Buddhist paintings used in rituals were hung as well. The spaces of these halls were utilized in a multi-faceted way. The names of the monks who created Buddhist sculptures can often be identified in the votive texts inserted in the sculptures. They are not written or carved on the surfaces of the sacred images, however. Contrarily, Buddhist paintings bear inscriptions recording their production dates, prayers, the list of donors, and the monks who produced them. The inscriptions on a Buddhist painting include a section listing the official duties of the monks involved (本寺秩, K. bonsajil ), a list of the names of donors (施主秩, K. sijujil ), and a list of names of the people who participated in the production of the painting (緣化秩, K. yeonhwajil). In particular, the yeonhwajil list contains the names of the hwaju (化主, fundraising monks soliciting donations from devotees for a Buddhist project), monk painters, jeungmyeong (證明, the monk supervising a Buddhist project and the ritual of depositing votive objects), and songju (誦呪, a reciter of dharani and Buddhist sutras). In order to effectively proceed with a Buddhist project, the duties of monks were specified and systematized based on a division of roles. Monk painters took part in the process of the eye-opening ritual as well. According to the Eye-Opening Rite for Buddhist Images in the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, “Once the chief officiator of a ritual recites a mantra of five colored threads (五色絲眞言), a hwawon (court painter) makes lotus leaves with five colored threads, ties them to a five-ja pole (about 151.5 centimeters), and pulls the other ends of the threads to tie them to the fingertips of a Buddhist sculpture. In case of a Buddhist painting, the lotus leaves are tied around a water bowl with the thread ends being pulled to be tied to the fingertips of a donor, while an indo (咽導) loudly recites gatha (poetic verses) on the five Buddhas.” This indicates that monk painters participated in the ritual procedures of investing sacred treasures with authority and divine power (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Deposited votive objects for a Buddhist painting Chimgoengjip (枕肱集, Collected Works of Chimgoeng), a collection of literary works by the monk Chimgoeng Hyeonbyeon (枕肱懸辯), describes hwawon (court painters) as being busy adorning the precincts of a temple even on the day of a ritual. It also records that paintings by the hwawon transform a temple into a space where the Vulture Peak Assembly, where the Buddha preaches ideal sermons, is being held. According to the Congratulatory Vows by Six Partakers from the Edited Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ceremony of the Heaven and Earth, Dark and Bright, Water and Land Feast, hwawon can be divided into the naebaebi (內排備) who are responsible for the interiors of a temple precinct and the oebaebi (外排備) responsible for its exteriors. As greater emphasis was placed on visually adorning the temple precincts, choosing and inviting a skillful hwawon who had achieved national fame had to be done carefully. Since monk painters had an in-depth understanding of Buddhist doctrine and iconography owing to their experiences with several Buddhist projects, they were often invited to serve as jeungmyeong (project supervisor and verifier monks). Even after retiring from the production of Buddhist paintings, they assumed responsibility for overseeing Buddhist projects. Monk painters engaged in diverse activities and a wide range of exchanges. Thus, they were able to serve as an additional agent for Buddhist projects by playing diverse roles as fundraisers, donors, and supervisors. Changes in the Appellations and the Perception of Monk Painters Many people whose names were recorded as the producers of Buddhist sculptures and paintings prior to the Joseon period turned out to be the commissioners rather than the actual creators. Before the Joseon era, the production of images of worship was not considered to be an area of expertise for monk artisans alone, and people who sponsored the production of images were considered more important than those who actually made them. Monk painters were called hwawon (畫員, court painters), hwaseung (畫僧, painting monks), hwasa (畫師, painting masters), yanggong (良工, skilled artisans), and hwagong (畫工, painting artisans). The most commonly used appellation among them was hwawon (Fig. 6). The term was widely used to refer to not only monk painters, but also monk artisans who created Buddhist sculptures or cast Buddhist bells. The term was originally used for those who belonged to the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) and were in charge of producing paintings, but it was expanded because of incidents during the Joseon Dynasty. When the government-run handicraft industry declined after the Japanese (1592–1598) and Manchu (1636–1637) invasions of Korea, monk artisans were mobilized. The state utilized the expertise and skills of monk artisans for government and private construction needs. A large number of monk artisans were summoned to rebuild the capital city and palaces. Fig. 6. Yeonhwajil (a list of names of people who participated in the production of a painting) and court painters recorded for the gwaebul painting at Bongjeongsa Temple by Domun and six monk painters. Joseon, 1710. Bongjeongsa Temple, Andong Seonsu Dogam (Superintendency of Repairing Palaces and Fortresses) stated that “[We] have ordered and urged officials in local regions to send artisans (工匠) to [the capital] for a large construction project several times, but to my surprise, they are quite indifferent to the given order and have no intention of carrying it out. Particularly, the government office of Gaeseong sent not even one person although we have asked for dozens of tile-making artisans, stonemasons, and monk painters. (Emphasis by the author) From the entry on the seventeenth day of the third lunar month of Jeonghae year (the eighth year of the reign of King Gwanghaegun [光海君, r. 1608–1623]) in Joseon wangjo sillok (朝鮮王朝實錄, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) Like artisans from the commoner class, monk painters were enlisted on the census register and required to provide labor for building and repairing government and private structures. In the history of the gongjang (工匠, artisans) who took charge of handicrafts in pre-modern times, the presence of Joseon-era monk artisans has not been addressed. However, a reevaluation of monk artisans is needed since they played a significant role in the process of undertaking national projects. As were the official artisans (官匠, K. gwanjang) who belonged to local government offices (including tile-making artisans and stonemasons), monk painters were a part of the system of mobilization for public works (公役, K. gongyeok). Monk artisans from temples throughout the country were recruited to participate in national projects, such as the construction of palaces, the construction of Yongjusa Temple in 1789, and the construction of Hwaseong Fortress in 1790. In and after the eighteenth century, new terms for court painters appeared. These include dopyeonsu (都片手), geumeo (金魚), pyeonsu (片手), yongmyeon (龍眠), and yongan (龍眼). These new terms developed around the time when the roles of monk painters had expanded to include the re-gilding, repairing, or carving of Buddhist sculptures, in addition to producing Buddhist paintings. They allow us to understand changes in the perception of monk painters at the time and their sense of their own identity. Historical records document monk artisans creating Buddhist sculptures as “myosujangsa” (妙手匠師) or “gyojang” (巧匠), both meaning an “outstanding artisan,” and the invited monk painters as “dohwawon” (都畫員, chief court painter), “jonsuk” (尊宿, erudite and virtuous monk), or “myeonghyeonseokdeok” (明賢碩德, wise and virtuous monk). By referring to the monk artisans with these honorifics, temples indicated that their creations were sacred treasures. In doing so, they attempted to advance the authority of Buddhist projects. Monk painters were likened to particular artists like Wu Daozhi (吳道子), a Chinese painter who excelled at landscape and Buddhist painting. They were compared to renowned painters such as Zhang Sengyou (張僧繇) and Zhang Sigong (張思恭), ancient legendary sculptors, or legendary artisans. The monk painters were also recognized for rising to national fame through their remarkable abilities. When the monk painter Hyesik (慧湜) produced the Vulture Peak Assembly to be enshrined at Yeongchwisa Temple in 1742, he and other monk painters were recorded collectively as “bisuhoe” (毘首會) (Fig. 7). The term “bisuhoe” is derived from Bisugalmacheon (毘首羯磨天, Skt. Vishvakarman), the god of craftsmen who is believed to have created the first image of Buddha for King Udayana (優塡王) of Kaushambi. This deity was described as an artisan who produced Buddhist images in the Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate (釋氏源流應化事蹟) (Fig. 8), a biography of Shakyamuni Buddha. This designation reflects the notion that monk artisans were held to ideals that people from the secular world could not reach. Fig. 7-1. Vulture Peak Assembly by Hyesik and six other monk painters. Joseon, 1742. Ink and color on silk. 364 × 242.2 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 7-2. “Bisuhoe” written in the inscription Fig. 8. Bisugalmacheon (Skt. Vishvakarman), the artisan who made the first image of the Buddha. From Life and Activities of Shakyamuni Buddha Incarnate, vol. 2. Joseon, 1673. 27.0 × 18.2 cm The texts of praise (讚文, K. chanmum) on monk’s portraits, biographies (傳記, K. jeonggi), and the records from offering rice paddies to temples (獻畓記, K. jeondapgi) emphasized that monk painters had noble characters and excelled at ascetic practices and meditation. Monk painters were described in the narrative style used in most biographies of eminent monks. The biography of the monk painter, Geumamdang Cheonyeo (錦巖堂 天如, 1794–1878), highlights his nature as a Buddhist practitioner by relating an episode of how he devoted himself to the pursuit of his faith for 200 days in front of a sculpture of Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Geumsuam Hermitage. It also stressed his talents and eccentric behavior. The biography of Cheonyeo, the texts written on his portrait, and the inscriptions on the stele for Yakhyo (若效), the canonical monk painter of modern era, at Magoksa Temple all indicate how monk painters were described in a narrative style of presenting myths about artists that emphasized their genius and talent (Fig. 9). Monk painters’ eccentric behaviors were portrayed as well. As children they were said to play by drawing images of the Buddha on the ground or practiced drawing tens of thousands of drafts to refine their skills. For example, the monk painter, Kwaeyun (快允) of Seonamsa Temple, is believed to have wrapped his right hand with a cloth most of the time and only unwrapped it for use when creating Buddhist paintings. Fig. 9. Portrait of Geumhodang Yakhyo (1840–1928). 1934. Ink and color on silk. 116 × 60.5 cm. Josajeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Chukyeon (竺衍), a monk painter active on Geumgangsan Mountain in the late nineteenth century, hid his hall name “Hyesan” (蕙山) within a painting like a signature, or included it on the roller of a hanging scroll or handscroll. This addition of a hall name differs from the inscription on the painting added as a record of the associated project. It is more of an expression of self-identity as an artist. Chukyeon (Fig. 10) was introduced in A History of Korean Art by Andre Eckardt and was named in a newspaper as “a master of Buddhist painting” along with Cheolyu (喆侑). The Sixteen Arhats painted by Chukyeon in 1926 was featured in commemorative photographs produced during the tourist boom on Geumgangsan Mountain (Figs. 11 and 12). As shown by the case of Chukyeon, the self-identity of monk painters changed from seeing themselves as a simple agent in the production of religious painting to viewing themselves an artist. This change can be observed in Buddhist paintings and relevant records. Fig. 10. Photograph of Gosan (Hyesan) Chukyeon (?–after 1930) by Andre Eckardt. 1915 Fig. 11. The “Tenth Arhat” from the Sixteen Arhats by two monk painters, including Chukyeon (active late 19th–early 20th century). 1926. Ink and color on silk. 289.0 × 225.0 cm. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 12. A commemorative photograph of a visit to Geumgangsan Mountain The economic contributions of monk painters can be verified in hanging boards and steles at temples. As a case in point, even at in his old age, Yakhyo walked up to 196 kilometers to take part in Buddhist projects undertaken by temples scattered throughout the eight provinces. He participated in several Buddhist projects as a major donor, and in his later years donated his personally owned lands to temples. Joseon-era monk painters served not only as creators but also as promoters and supporters of Buddhist projects through their own financial resources, their influence within Buddhist circles, and their exchanges with the faithful. The Organization and Working System of Monk Painters The Production Agents of Buddhist Paintings and the Working System of Monk Painters A distinctive Buddhist culture developed during the Joseon Dynasty. A demand for the functions of religion underlaid a society despite its official pursuit of a Confucian state. Before the establishment of Confucian funeral rites, traditional faiths and views on the afterlife coexisted. Buddhist circles flexibly responded by placing an emphasis on Confucian virtues as a means to seek coexistence with Confucian ideology and values. Not all Buddhist paintings from the Joseon period were produced by monk painters. Like in the Goryeo Dynasty, court painters from the Dohwaseo (圖畫署, Royal Bureau of Painting) created Buddhist paintings sponsored by the members of the royal family and royal relatives during the early Joseon period. The Buddhist paintings made by these court painters from the Dohwaseo were enshrined at temples within the palace precincts and at other temples by monks who facilitated the patronage of the Joseon royal family, eventually exerting an influence upon works by monk painters. Sixteen Contemplations of the Visualization Sutra commissioned by King Sejo (世祖, r. 1455–1468) in 1465 was produced by the court painter Yi Maenggeun (李孟根). Welcoming the Salvific Dragon Boat commissioned by the wife of Deokheung Daewongun (德興大院君), the father of King Seonjo (宣祖, r. 1567–1608), in 1549 was painted by the court painters Yi Baeryeon (李陪連) and Yi Heunghyo (李興孝). Moreover, 400 Buddhist paintings and Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians (in the collection of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston) commissioned by Queen Munjeong (文定王后) in 1565 after the repair of Hoeamsa Temple, were all produced by court painters, although no records about them have survived (Figs. 13 and 14). In 1599, Queen Uiin (懿仁王后) led a project for repairing the Dosolam Hermitage and producing a painting of a White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. She ordered the Naesusa (內需司, Royal Treasury) to provide money from the private holdings of the royal family and send monks to repair the temple. She had Yi Jeong (李霆, 1554–1626), one of the three Joseon painters considered the masters of ink bamboo painting, produce the White-robed Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva. Many Buddhist paintings created by court painters from the Dohwaseo under royal orders do not specify their creators. They simply bear inscriptions with information such as that they were produced by recruiting yanggong (良工, skilled artisans) or that a subject (臣) [named] ○○○ painted them with respect. However, it was common in Buddhist paintings commissioned by common people to name the monk painters. Fig. 13. Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha Triad painted by court painters and commissioned by Queen Munjeong. Joseon, 1565. Ink, color, and gold on silk. 54.2 × 29.7 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 14. Medicine Buddha Triad with Twelve Guardians painted by court painters and commissioned by the Joseon royal family. Joseon, late 16th century. Ink and color on silk. 123.0 × 127.5 cm. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston As Buddhist paintings began to be perceived as a special field reserved for monk painters in and after the late sixteenth century, a great number of monk painters came to be mobilized for state-led projects. For example, 366 artisans from the capital and local regions participated in the production of the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Repair of Changdeokgung Palace in 1647. Among these artisans, there were only nine court painters from the Dohwaseo, while 131 monk painters participated in the project. These 131 monk painters included forty-seven from Chungcheong-do Province, forty-five from Jeolla-do Province, and one from Gyeongsang-do Province. This indicates that large-scale monk painter organizations existed in different regions and could be mobilized as needed. Monk Seokjeong (1928–2012), a human cultural property in Buddhist painting, said that some monk painters had worked at several major temples, including Daeseungsa Temple on Sabulsan Mountain, Songgwangsa Temple on Jogyesan Mountain, Magoksa Temple on Gyeryongsan Mountain, and Yujeomsa and Geonbongsa Temples on Geumgangsan Mountain. Recent studies have focused on head monk painters. Among the renowned monk painters, Uigyeom (義謙), who was active in the eighteenth century, worked at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung during the early days of his career. Afterwards, he moved about in pursuit of Buddhist projects in the areas surrounding Jirisan Mountain and in the provinces of Jeolla-do, Gyeongsang-do, and Chungcheong-do (Fig. 15). Fig. 15. Diagram of temples that house Buddhist paintings produced by the monk painter Uigyeom (active 18th century) It is unclear whether or not contemporaneous people distinguished monk painters by the schools of their painting styles. According to records, when Buddhist sculptures were produced in 1719 for Daeungjeon Hall at Girimsa Temple in Gyeongju, people from Honamsan Mountain (湖南山人), those from Palgongsan Mountain (八公山人), and those from Wolseongsan Mountain (月城山人) participated. There are other records indicating that eighteen monks from Jeolla-do Province and ten monks from Gyeongsang-do Province took part in the reconstruction of Daeungjeon Hall at Bulguksa Temple in 1765. These records suggest that monks were perceived based on their affiliated temples, mountains, and regions. Monk painters and monk sculptors have been main areas of interest in Buddhist art history for over twenty years. As Buddhist cultural heritage at temples was investigated and the efforts of famous monk artisans were detailed, information about the periods of monk artisans’ activities and the context surrounding the production of their works has been accumulated. Art historians have defined the characteristics of monk artisan groups by dividing them into several schools. They examined whether there were any monk painters who repeatedly engaged in projects led by a certain head monk painter and formed a group. They analyzed head monk painters’ iconography and styles to see how they were different from those applied by other groups of monk painters. Their research started with the premise that a head monk painter could control his situation, plan schedules, and develop painting styles. Commonly, Buddhist paintings were produced following a commission from a temple rather than based on the painters’ personal impulses. The expenses required for buying painting tools and handling the relevant affairs differed based on the social standing of the patrons and economic situations, such as the amount of funds raised for Buddhist projects. A head monk painter supervised the production of Buddhist paintings that involved collaboration between two or more monk painters. Uigyeom, who supervised a project at Songgwangsa Temple between 1724 and 1725, divided the available monk painters into groups by halls and assigned them different painting themes. The number of monk painters involved changed according to the hierarchy and significance of the Buddhist paintings in question. Uigyeom served as a head monk painter for the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall, and its preparatory drawing and painting style followed his style (Fig. 16). He oversaw the entire project, but designated certain monk painters to be in charge of each theme of the Buddhist paintings. Accordingly, the inscription on the Sixteen Arhats produced along with the Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall does not bear Uigyeom’s name (Fig. 17). Both paintings demonstrate an identical overall painting style. However, they show slight differences in the preparatory drawings, in the depictions of deities and patterns, and in the application of colors. These discrepancies resulted from the division of labor. Fig. 16. The Vulture Peak Assembly in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple Fig. 17. Sixteen Arhats in Eungjindang Hall at Songgwangsa Temple The roles of monk painters who participated in a collaborative project were divided among chulcho (出草), who created the preparatory drawings, sangcho (上草), who transferred the preparatory drawings, and seolchae (設彩), who applied glue and color. Historical records did not specify these roles. In many cases, monk painters were largely divided into head monk painters and participant monk painters. Head monk painters assumed full responsibility for producing preparatory drawings for Buddhist paintings. Preparatory drawings were blueprints for Buddhist paintings and served as a means to transmit painting styles. Monk painters from the same painting lineage shared preparatory drawings, and the characteristics of painting schools were shaped in the process of studying teachers’ preparatory drawings. Accordingly, preparatory drawings often bear the names of their owners or sometimes sugyeol (手決, signatures or marks) or seals of the monk painters who created them (Fig. 18). In and after the eighteenth century, there were some cases where regular monk painters produced preparatory drawings rather than the head monk painters. As a case in point, in the Amitabha Buddha Assembly at Namjangsa Temple from 1741, the head monk painter Segwan (世冠) was recorded as a supervisor and a monk named Wolryun (月輪) took charge of the preparatory drawings. Three years later, in 1744, when a large-scale project for producing thirty Buddhist paintings was held at Jikjisa Temple, monk painter Segwan was documented on the first line of the inscriptions on the paintings as the hamjang (函丈)—meaning a teacher undertaking a task of overseeing the project—and his disciple, Wolin (月印), was in charge of producing the preparatory drawings. Segwan supervised the project as an elder, and his disciple serving as the chief official created the preparatory drawings. In and after the nineteenth century, monk painters who were proficient at drawing rough sketches were commonly assigned the role of creating preparatory drawings. Fig. 18. Monk Manbong (1910–2006) working on a preparatory drawing In addition to Buddhist paintings, monk painters created paintings needed by local communities. In 1536, the monk painter Okjun (玉埈) from Donghwasa Temple produced a portrait of Yi Hyeonbo (李賢輔, sobriquet: Nongam) (Fig. 19). In 1686, the monk painter Uiin (義仁) produced the painting Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year to commemorate a gathering of seven officials of the same age at Bosalsa Temple in Cheongju (Fig. 20). The monk painter Hyeho (慧皓) from Geumgangsan Mountain, who maintained friendships with literati, created Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs (Fig. 21). The styles that monk painters adopted while responding to a request for a painting from local communities impacted the production of Buddhist paintings. Fig. 19. Portrait of Nongam Yi Hyeonbo by the monk painter Okjun. Joseon, 1537. 126 × 105 cm. Ink and color on silk. Cultural Heritage Administration website Fig. 20. Gathering of Elders Born in the Eulchuk Year by the monk painter Uiin. Joseon, 1686. Ink and color on silk. 139.0 × 71.4 cm. Tangible Cultural Heritage of Seoul Fig. 21. Su Shi (Dongpo) in a Bamboo Hat and Clogs by the monk painter Hyeho. Joseon, 19th century. Ink and light color on paper. 107.0 × 31.6 cm. National Museum of Korea Besides preparatory drawings inherited from their teachers, monk painters consulted hwabo (畫譜, painting manuals consisting of printed versions of secular and religious paintings), which professional painters could obtain. In this process, the iconography of secular paintings came to be reflected in religious paintings. The Sixteen Arhats by Uigyeom and the preparatory drawings of Thirty-three Patriarchs by Hwaryeon (華蓮) demonstrate how monk painters quickly embraced iconography from figure paintings included in painting manuals like the Sancai tuhi (三才圖會, Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms) (Fig. 22). Moreover, paintings of the banquet of the Queen Mother of the West and of Daoist immortals, both themes frequently used in court paintings that later became famous among common people, were placed at important locations in Buddhist halls. Iconography from novels and book illustrations as well as the motifs from folk painting and paintings of books and scholar’s accoutrements constantly influenced mural paintings at temples. A monk painter named Yeonhong (演弘) working in Gyeonggi-do Province oversaw the production of mural paintings in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheong-do Province (Fig. 23). The mural paintings in the upper walls of the hall feature arhats depicted in the hwabo (painting manual) style adopted by Uigyeom. This style was popular in Jeolla-do Province at the time. The mural paintings on the main walls of the hall present Daoist iconography of the immortals Li Tieguai (李鐵拐) and Liu Haichan (劉海蟾), who were widely popular among the common people as granters of eternal youth and immortality (Fig. 24). Fig. 22-1. Sancai tuhi (Collected Illustrations of the Three Realms). Ming, China, 17th century Fig. 22-2. Detail of the Sixteen Arhats at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu by Uigyeom and other monk painters. Joseon, 1723 Fig. 22-3. Preparatory drawing by Hwaryeon for the Thirty-three Patriarchs at Ssangbongsa Temple. Joseon, 1768. Tongdosa Seongbo Museum Fig. 22-4. Mural painting in Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple. Joseon, ca. 1788 Fig. 23. Mural painting of Daoist immortals on the lintel on the north side of Daegwangbojeon Hall at Magoksa Temple Fig. 24-1. Daoist immortal Li Tieguai by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Fig. 24-2. Daoist immortal Liu Haichan by Sim Sajeong. Kansong Art and Culture Foundation Monk painters moved across multiple regions and worked jointly with monk painters from other painting schools at different sites. Such collaboration allowed them to master ancient Buddhist painting styles and works by renowned monk painters, as well as to embrace emerging innovations. Identical painting styles can be observed within paintings created in different times and places. This sharing of painting styles is demonstrated by the case of Singyeom, who led a Buddhist project at Jungheungsa Temple on Bukhansan Mountain by using preparatory drawings of the Ten Kings of Hell that he had produced for a project one year earlier at Gounsa Temple in Uiseong. Similarly, the monk painter Yakhyo practiced painting by using preparatory drawings by Yuseong, who was active in the Gyeongsang-do region, and Cheolyu, a monk painter on Geumgangsan Mountain, utilized preparatory drawings from Tongdosa Temple. The Variability of the Organization and Wages of Monk Painters Some head monk painters who made remarkable achievements worked in many different regions and maintained rather weak bonds with the temples to which they belonged. The monk painter groups led by these head monk painters for certain periods of time had no regular members. The members varied based on several elements, including the hierarchy among the monk painters who participated in a project, their “dharma age” (法臘, the number of years since being ordained as a monk), and the significance of their assigned tasks. The organization of the monk painters also changed when head monk painters were invited to undertake public works and requested by their affiliated monastic lineages to work on Buddhist projects. At those times, monk painters who united for these particular projects joined with the monks who belonged to the temples where the projects were held, indicating that the organization of monks involved in the projects could vary. In 1740 (the sixteenth year of the reign of King Yeongjo [英祖, r. 1724–1776]), Hyesik (慧式), a monk painter from Gayasan Mountain, supervised a Buddhist project that donated one thousand Buddhas to Pagyesa Temple. It was based on sponsorship from royal family members, including King Yeongjo himself (Fig. 25). Before producing the Buddhist paintings and repairing and re-gilding the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple, he created some preparatory drawings needed at neighboring temples, including for Okryeonsa and Gounsa Temples in Uiseong. At Pagyesa Temple, he re-gilded Buddhist sculptures in the large lecture hall, repaired the sculptures of the Ten Kings of Hell and paintings in its affiliated hermitages, and produced the Buddha triad sculpture in Nahanjeon Hall. The dohwawon (chief court painter) Hyesik, who vowed to undertake this Buddhist project at Pagyesa Temple, worked with thirteen monk painters over the course of two years. Among these thirteen monk painters were head monk painters who worked independently, including Milgi (密琦) and Uigyeom (Fig. 26). Similarities in painting styles can be found in temples far from one another since monk painters traveled to engage in different Buddhist projects. Moreover, exchanges among monks brought about the development of new styles. Fig. 25. The Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva in Wontongjeon Hall at Pagyesa Temple Fig. 26. Votive Text for the Dry-lacquered Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva at Pagyesa Temple. Joseon, 1740. Ink on paper. 50.0 × 180.0 cm. Pagyesa Temple, Daegu.Treasure Most of the workshops for monk artisans were installed at the temples where the Buddhist projects were carried out since the fundraising by monks, the provision of materials, and the supervision and verification of the projects were all managed by the temples involved. Monk artisans traveled to the temples where there was a demand for them. Temporary workshops called bulsaso (佛事所, Buddhist project office), hoehwaso (繪畫所, painting office), and seongjoso (成造所, construction office) were installed at these temples. Sometimes, hermitages or pavilions in the temple precincts were utilized, as demonstrated by the project for producing a gwaebul painting in 1759 at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu. Help from local government offices was often needed to secure and purchase materials for Buddhist projects and to transport the goods and monetary offerings. The records housed at temples where monks’ militias defended fortresses and sago (史庫, history archives) and records at offices used by troops protecting coastal areas after war both document support coming from officials such as hyeongam (county magistrates) and sugun jeoldosa (provincial naval commanders). For example, when the old lecture hall at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung was reconstructed in 1715, the provincial naval commander administering the left Jeolla-do Province commandries helped obtain wooden materials from a neighboring island and transported them via ship. According to some records, lawsuits were sometimes filed even after expenses for materials were paid. This implies that aid from government offices was required at several stages for undertaking a Buddhist project. The wages received by monk artisans have not been researched in detail. Probably because Buddhism emphasized merit-making, specific records are rare. Nevertheless, the financial management of temples was handled strictly, and monk artisans were given their due. The List of Jeongokyusa at Daeheungsa Temple from 1790 records the monks who were entrusted with managing the properties and grain of each temple and the dates they started new posts. Here, the roles of the jeongokyusa (a minor official dealing with financial affairs) rigidly and fairly managing temple properties was likened to those of a minister within the Takjibu (Ministry of Finance) in the central government or an ajeon (local civil functionary) controlling grain in a village, highlighting the importance of the task of managing finances and accounting at a temple. When mobilized for public works, monk painters received wages just as artisans from the commoner class did. The monk painter Sanggyeom (尙謙) was mentioned in the section on the joseongso (造成所, an office for construction) in the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hyeonryungwon Tomb of King Jangjo (莊祖顯隆園園所都監儀軌) from 1789. He collaborated with court painters and received 162 liters of rice and a roll of linen and cotton as compensation like them. According to the Uigwe (Royal Protocol) of the Construction of Hwaseong Fortress, as the number of painters capable for taking responsibility for the traditional decorative coloring (丹靑, K. dancheong) of a gate-pavilion was low, the state ordered temples to search for skillful monk painters and send them to Hwaseong in the nineth lunar month of 1794 (the eighteenth year of the reign of King Jeongjo [正祖, r. 1776–1800]). It also contains an official document stating that the monk, Yeonhong, was appointed as the chief monk painter. In public works, monk painters mainly undertook the traditional decorative coloring of buildings. Their wages were the same as those of varnishing and sculpting artisans. Gyeo (戒悟), a monk painter from Dorimsa Temple, crafted and painted a wooden container for votive texts over the course of three months in 1683 (the ninth year of the reign of King Sukjong [肅宗, r. 1674–1720]) and received fifty rolls of hemp cloth and eighteen liters of white rice in return. Gyeo received these wages in exchange for his participation in a project carried out at the temple to which he belonged. According to the Record of the Construction of Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, a head monk painter named Saekmin (色旻) and his sixteen disciples were recruited for producing a large painting of Indra hung at Daeyangmun Gate. They received 8,100 liters of rice and 200 yang (the currency of Joseon Dynasty). The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple (表忠設立有功錄) written in 1789 and stored at Daeheungsa Temple in Haenam contains a list of donations categorized by province (Hwanghae-do, Hamgyeong-do, Gangwon-do, and others) and by head monks at temples. The list includes the monk painter Gwangyeop (廣曄), who created paintings for Woljeongsa, Sinheungsa, and Gimryongsa Temples and donated to his affiliated temple fifty yang that he earned by applying traditional decorative coloring. The Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple also documents that Pyochungsa Temple paid Baekheun (白欣) wages for the rough application and re-application of traditional decorative coloring as well as additional expenses for traveling, painting tools, and pigments (Fig. 27). Fig. 27. Record of Donations Received upon the Establishment of Pyochungsa Temple. Joseon, 1789. Ink on paper. 36.0 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang Pigments and painting tools were either donated or the temples could purchase them after selling other donated goods. Monk painters were familiar with the procurement of pigments, as noted in the elaborate and touching story of the re-gilding of the peeled-off gold plating on the Buddhist sculptures in Daeungjeon Hall at Donghwasa Temple. Thousands of pieces of gold were collected for the re-gilding from Donghwasa Temple and several other temples. However, as the government fell into chaos and the people were traumatized by the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598), Donghwasa Temple used up all of these golden pieces for rebuilding the temple and soothing the people. Three years later, people put their hearts into collecting more gold, but the monk painter entrusted with re-gilding the sculptures tried to leave after stating that the gold was insufficient for the re-gilding project. The temple earnestly asked him to proceed with the re-gilding. He worried that the new layer of gold plating would peel off because it was applied over the old gilt layer due to the lack of gold and the previously applied glue had lost its adhesion. He also said that the re-gilding of the Buddha triad required 240 pieces of gold. The records on the re-gilding of Buddhist sculptures at Borimsa Temple in Jangheung in 1748 document a debate among monks over the price and purchasing routes for gold. Several people, including goldsmiths in Jeonju, heard about the need for the re-gilding and wanted to participate in the project, but monks worried that these goldsmiths from the commoner class might cheat them regarding the price or quality of gold. Since hwawon (monk painters) were well aware of the quality of gold, the monks had them visit goldsmiths in the capital to obtain gold of high quality. Such records handed down at temples provide information about the working environment of monk artisans. However, there are few remaining records that detail the environments in which monk artisans worked and how the overall process of a Buddhist project proceeded from the completion of paintings until their enshrinement. The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple (大芚寺成造所日記) (stored at Yongheungsa Temple in Damyang) records the rebuilding of several halls at Daeheungsa Temple (or Daedunsa Temple) in Haenam, which was destroyed in a fire on the fourteenth day of the tenth lunar month of 1899 (Fig. 28). It also documents expenses and other expenditures for the rebuilding project. This diary helps us understand the increase in the number of artisans from the commoner class participating in Buddhist projects. Fig. 28. Diary of Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple. Joseon. Ink on paper. 30.2 × 27.8 cm. Yongheungsa Temple, Damyang The Diary of the Seongjoso (Construction Office) at Daedunsa Temple provides information about the revenues and expenditures of the temple, prices of goods, and wages for labor. A rare surviving example of accounting documents from temples, this diary indicates that greater numbers of artisans from the commoner class gradually came to participate in Buddhist projects in the late nineteenth century. It lists detailed expenditures, including personnel expenses (for lumberjacks, stonemasons, carpenters, and artisans), traveling and food expenses for a person who went to bring a blacksmith, traveling expenses for artisans, expenses for snacks for children who served as helpers at the temple, and a charge for a letter delivery service. The diary also lists additional expenses such as the wages for the carpenters’ or the laborers’ repair of a temporary office for a Buddhist project, traveling expenses or money for drinking, and expenses for materials and tools used for repairs, including an iron hammer utilized for erecting pillars, other tools like a plane, large ruler, axe, paper, brushes, and ink. Similar expenditure items might have been recorded for monk artisans. Although more artisans from the commoner class came to be involved in Buddhist projects, the production of Buddhist paintings was considered an area of expertise for monk painters. Seventeen new paintings for the rebuilt Daeheungsa Temple were produced by inviting Gyeongseon Eungseok (慶船應釋), a monk painter from Gyeonggi-do Province, and Seokong Cheolyu (石翁喆侑), a monk painter from Geumgangsan Mountain. In order to manage temple finances, monks maintained a Bosachong (補寺廳, an office for supporting the temple) or established a gapgye (甲契, fraternity) among monks born in the same year (as seen in the production of the gwaebul painting at Heungguksa Temple in Yeosu in 1759). Since monk painters carried out several Buddhist projects by traveling to different regions and were paid for their labor, they were relatively well off compared to general monks. Those who owned their own pigments or gold took part in projects as donors. As a case in point, a major donor of gold for the project of re-gilding a sculpture at Jikjisa Temple in 1714 (the fortieth year of the reign of King Sukjong) was the monk artisan Cheongyun (淸允) who was also responsible for re-gilding the Jikjisa sculpture. In 1728, disciples of Uigyun (義均), a monk painter from the Palgongsan Mountain region, led a project to produce sixteen Buddhist paintings for Donghwasa’s neighboring temples in Gyeongju and Cheongdo. At the time, Uigyun, who had retired, served as a major donor for the project. Based on their financial foundation and the area of their activities, monk painters formed relationships with Buddhist devotees and extended their influence. Moreover, by initiating Buddhist projects or becoming donors, they helped bolster temple finances. By passing down fields and paddies to their disciples that they had inherited from their birth parents or teachers, monk painters contributed to the expansion of their affiliated temples’ or lineages’ farmlands. Conclusion Buddhist paintings of the Joseon Dynasty were not only objects of faith and worship, but also cultural products created in specific social and economic environments. Monk organizations at temples had accommodated the demand for Buddhist projects since the Goryeo Dynasty. However, the application of traditional decorative coloring and the production of Buddhist paintings were considered the specialty of monk painters. The overall process of producing a Buddhist painting from its design to its enlivening through an eye-opening ritual was believed to fall outside the scope of artisans from the commoner class. The range of monk painters’ local activities was broad since they worked based on networks centering around their affiliated temples and monk lineages. The formation of different schools of monk painters and the transmission of the traditions of these schools was made possible by production practices that passed along knowledge, skills, and styles through apprenticeship education under the leadership of head monk painters. These head monk painters directed and supervised the full process of the production of Buddhist paintings from the creation of preparatory drawings through the application of pigments and addition of patterns. Accordingly, the styles of head monk painters hold a critical position for interpreting the style of a given painting school. The roles of monk painters expanded when they started participating in public works after the state handicraft system collapsed and as they responded to local communities’ needs for paintings. The expansion of their roles impacted the styles of Buddhist paintings. An illustrative example of the public works for which famous monk painters throughout the country were recruited is the foundation of Yongjusa Temple in 1790 when King Jeongjo constructed the tomb of Crown Prince Sado. The collaboration among monk painters from different regions led to the development of new styles. Based on their financial capacity and the areas of their activities, monk painters served as further agents for Buddhist projects by serving as donors, fundraisers, and verifiers. Monk artisans were a distinctive feature of the Joseon Dynasty within the East Asian cultural sphere.
January 2023, vol.17, pp.32-50 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2023.v17_03
Following the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592–1598 CE), the Joseon Buddhist community rebuilt many war-ravaged temples, produced a vast body of Buddhist sculptures and paintings, and enshrined them at restored temples throughout the country. A self-sufficient creation and construction system based on monk artisans was established around this time. This system enabled late Joseon monk artisans to actively engage in image creation and building construction in and after the seventeenth century. These monk artisans stably transmitted their accumulated production and construction know-how to later generations. In this light, some scholars view the late Joseon Dynasty as a golden age for Buddhist art in Korea. Compared to those from the early Joseon Dynasty, Buddhist sculptures from the late Joseon Dynasty are considered to be relatively free from external formative influences. Overall, they exhibit characteristics distinctive to Korea. Several outstanding monk sculptors with remarkable skills emerged in the early seventeenth century, became leaders of teams of monk sculptors, and produced a monumental amount of Buddhist sculptures. As a next generation of monk sculptors inherited this tradition in the mid- and late seventeenth century, Buddhist sculpture reached a high degree of maturity and showed their creativity through new formative experiments. Among this succeeding generation of monk sculptors were Saeknan (色難) in Jeolla-do Province and Seungho (勝浩) in Gyeongsang-do Province. Daneung (端應), who will be be discussed in this paper, was a member as well. Around the year 2000, records on votive objects deposited inside the late Joseon Buddhist sculptures enshrined at temples throughout South Korea began to be examined and publicized. As a result, the monk-sculptor, Daneung, came to be known to the general public. He has been identified as the creator of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (also known as the Wooden Altarpiece of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in Amitabha’s Pure Land) from 1684 that is enshrined at Yongmunsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. The study of wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces was accordingly reinvigorated, leading to an investigation into the genealogies and activities of monk sculptors and an examination of their applied iconography and styles. A wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece is made from several woodblocks that are engraved with diverse deities and then pieced together. It can be considered a convergence of Buddhist sculpture and painting. There are ten currently known surviving examples of these wooden altarpieces in Korea. As an original creation of late-Joseon Buddhist art that was not found in China or Japan at the time, wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces have received considerable attention. Wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpieces with known dates of production are found in: Daeseungsa Temple (1675) in Mungyeong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 1), Gyeongguksa Temple in Seoul the fifth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 2), Yongmunsa Temple the ninth lunar month of 1684 (Fig. 3), Gwaneumseonwon Hall at Namjangsa Temple (1694–1695) in Sangju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Yaksuam Hermitage (1782) at Silsangsa Temple in Jeollabuk-do Province. Among these examples, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple is presumed to have been produced by Daneung based on its sculpting style and production method. Those at Gyeongguksa and Yongmunsa Temples are clearly indicated in written records to also be works by Daneung. This demonstrates Daneung’s significance to late Joseon Buddhist sculpture. The Yongmunsa altarpiece in particular provides important reference material for understanding late Joseon Buddhist art since it bears diverse symbolic elements, there are related surviving documents, and its accompanying sculptural set of a Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad remains intact. Fig. 1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. Joseon, 1675. 3.47 × 2.79 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Daeseungsa Temple, Mungyeong (originally enshrined at Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju). National Treasure Fig. 2. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and five other monk sculptors. l684. 1.77 × 1.76 m. Geungnakbojeon Hall at Gyeongguksa Temple, Seoul (originally enshrined at Yaksaam Hermitage, Wanju-gun). Treasure Fig. 3. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece and Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. 1684. H. 90 cm (main Buddha). Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Based on the preceding research, this paper intends to explore the faith, ideological meaning, and production background behind the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by focusing on several of its symbolic elements. These symbolic elements can be largely divided into Buddhist and non-Buddhist elements, both of which will be analyzed in this paper. Notably, the non-Buddhist elements from Zhouyi (周易, The Book of Changes) were incorporated. For a better understanding of the work, the status and role of Daneung—the producer of the Yongmunsa altarpiece—as a monk sculptor will be also examined. Moreover, by comparing from multiple perspectives the symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece with similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures created by Daneung, this paper aims to broaden the understanding of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. All of these efforts will ultimately help to explain the complex and multilayered characteristics of late Joseon Buddhist art. The Sculpting Activities and Roles of Daneung The monk sculptor, Daneung, produced Buddhist sculptures for over fifty years, from the late seventeenth through the early eighteenth century. Some records on the production of Buddhist sculptures made by Daneung describe him as a monk sculptor based at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province or at Wibongsa Temple in Jeonju, Jeollabuk-do Province. However, sculptures produced by Daneung are found in several other regions as well, including the northern areas of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province and various sites in Chungcheong-do and Gangwon-do Provinces. There are thirteen sculptures that are known to have been produced by Daneung. They include the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha and Clay Arhats from 1656 at Songgwangsa Temple in Wanju, Jeollabuk-do Province, the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1665 at Jikjisa Temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, Chungcheongnam-do Province (Fig. 4), the Wooden Seated Avalokiteshvara Bodhisattva from 1689 at Jeongbangsa Temple in Jecheon, Chungcheongbuk-do Province, the Portable Shrine with a Wooden Amitabha Triad from 1692 at Yeongjosa Temple on Jeju-do Island (Fig. 5), the Wooden Seated Shakyamuni Buddha Triad from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and the Wooden Four Guardian Kings from 1705 at Ssanggyesa Temple in Hadong, Gyeongsangnam-do Province. Fig. 4. Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas by Daneung and nineteen other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1681. Yeongsanjeon (or Cheonbuljeon) Hall at Magoksa Temple, Gongju. Chungcheongnam-do Province Tangible Cultural Heritage Fig. 5. Portable Shrine with a Wooden Seated Buddha (created for Soyeong Singyeong for his private worship). Joseon, 1692. H. 22.5 cm. Yeongjosa Temple, Seogwipo. Jeju-do Tangible Cultural Heritage Daneung’s fifty-year-long career can be broadly divided into its first and second phases. The first phase falls roughly between the 1650s and the late-1680s, while the second spans the late 1680s to the early 1700s. The 1680s appear to be a particularly prolific period for Daneung as a monk sculptor, and this decade is considered his peak. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple with its artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment was produced during this period. The standing of Daneung within the Buddhist community as a monk sculptor while he was producing Buddhist sculptures can be understood to some extent through the terms recorded in the texts related to the sculptures he made. Like other contemporaneous monk sculptors, Daneung was referred to as “hwawon” (畫員, a court painter), “seonsu” (善手, a man of great skill), “hwagong” (畫工, a painter), or “seonsuyanggong” (善手良工, a skilled artisan of great skill). These titles indicate nothing particularly special since they were commonly applied to monk sculptors and monk painters during the Joseon Dynasty. However, it is worth noting that the record on the Clay Seated Bhaisajyaguru (Medicine) Buddha from 1692 at Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong documents Daneung as “sudaeseonsa” (首大禪師, a great head Seon master). Daeseonsa (大禪師) was a high clerical rank given to those who gained a promotion after passing the state examination on Seon (Chan) Buddhism that was held to recruit monks during the early Joseon Dynasty (ranks from low to high: Daeseon [大選] → Jungdeok [中德] → Seonsa [禪師] → Daeseonsa [大禪師] → Dodaeseonsa [都大禪師]). Since the state examination for Buddhist monks was no longer administered in the late Joseon Dynasty, there was no state-sanctioned clerical rank system. Calling a monk sculptor daeseonsa might have been simply an idiomatic honorific title at the time. Nevertheless, there are several cases of famed Joseon monk sculptors being recorded as daeseonsa. Therefore, when Daneung was referred to as sudaeseonsa, it is presumed to be an indication that he was recognized as both a skillful artisan and a monk well-versed in Buddhist practices and doctrine. Daneung assumed the responsibilities of a jeungmyeong (證明) when producing a Buddhist table and a pedestal for Bonghwangsa Temple in Andong in 1694. A jeungmyeong is a figure who ensures that a Buddhist project corresponds to doctrine. Commonly, eminent monk scholars or high priests well-versed in Buddhist practices were invited to serve as jeungmyeong. Accordingly, we can assume that Daneung held a high standing in the Buddhist community. Daneung is presumed to have been skilled at sculpting and to have possessed a deep understanding and broad knowledge of Buddhist doctrine. With this in mind, this paper will explore the meanings of several symbolic elements in Daneung’s work, including the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Symbolism in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple According to “A Record on the Construction of the Main Hall at Yongmunsa Temple,” a monk named Soyeong Singyeong (昭影神鏡) passed by Yongmunsa Temple one day and discovered that there was no main hall (金堂, K. geumdang). It continues on to say that in the ninth lunar month of 1684, he led the construction of a main hall and the production of a Buddha triad and a wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece. The lower-right section of the bottom edge of the frame of this wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece also bears an inscription reading, “The one who constructed the main hall for the first time and created the wooden Amitabha Buddha altarpiece was the high priest, Soyeongdang Singyeong” (金堂始刱造佛像版幀ㅇ 名賢大德昭影堂大師神鏡). The written record and the inscription on the altarpiece both indicate that Soyeong Singyeong played a significant role. It should be noted that Daneung fully understood the abstract ideas of Soyeong Singyeong and was able to visually materialize them by closely communicating with him as a fellow monk who walked the path of a truth-seeker rather than just serving as a technician following the instructions of Soyeong Singyeong. In addition to the main theme of Amitabha Buddha preaching, the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple features a wide variety of Buddhist elements alongside non-Buddhist elements incorporated from the Book of Changes. Its creator, Daneung, included similar symbolic elements in other Buddhist sculptures. By comparing them with symbolic elements in the Yongmunsa altarpiece, I will examine their meanings from multiple perspectives. The Manifestation of Buddhist Elements 1. Elements of Pure Land Buddhism The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple presents the seated Amitabha Buddha surrounded by his eight great bodhisattvas standing in two rows (Fig. 6). These bodhisattvas are Manjusri, Samantabhadra, Avalokiteshvara, Mahasthamaprapta, Vajragarbha, Sarvanivarana-Viskambhi, Maitreya, and Kshitigarbha. In the upper row next to Maitreya Bodhisattva and Kshitigarbha Bodhisattva kneel the Buddha’s disciples, Kasapya and shaven-headed Ananda. Below the eight bodhisattvas, the Four Guardian Kings stand in a row. A jar with lotus stalks inside can be found in the lowest section of the altarpiece. At the ends of the stalks are nine blooming lotus flowers. They are inscribed with the nine grades of rebirth in Amitabha’s Western Pure Land, ranging from the upper grade-upper birth (上品上) to the lower grade-lower birth (下品下) (Fig. 6). These visually represent the nine grades of rebirth (九品往生) in the Buddhist faith in the Western Pure Land. Such depictions of the nine grades of rebirth visually represent the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth contemplations which are considered the most essential among the sixteen contemplations (觀) included in the Amitayurbhavana Sutra (觀無量壽經, the Sutra on the Visualization of the Buddha Amitayus). They facilitate the understanding of the main theme depicted in the Yongmunsa altarpiece—that the deceased reach Amitabha Buddha’s Western Pure Land through a process of being reborn across the nine grades. Fig. 6-1. Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece by Daneung and eight other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1684. 2.65 × 2.18 m. Daejangjeon Hall at Yongmunsa Temple, Yecheon. Treasure Fig. 6-2. Detail of inscriptions and the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Moreover, four phrases engraved on the left and right edges of the frame, two at each, aptly demonstrate the Pure Land faith espoused by this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece (大須彌之中微塵刹土/三世空色是圓融之法乃至/當極樂之界寶池九品/三種尊容又聖僧之位). The phrases read as follows: “(There are) numerous Buddha lands in Great Sumeru, and the emptiness and form of three ages reach them through the law of perfect interfusion. Here are nine grades of the jeweled pond of paradise, and three kinds of honored visages and sacred monks are enshrined there.” These phrases confirm that the main theme of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is rebirth in the Western Pure Land. Iconography relating to the nine grades of rebirth based on the motif of nine lotus flowers can also be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple produced by Daneung in the fifth lunar month of 1687. In the Gyeongguksa piece, however, the nine lotus flowers are sculpted into three rows in the lower-center section of the picture plane (Fig. 2). Another work by Daneung, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha from 1689 at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 7), shows a form and composition of nine-graded rebirth iconography similar to that found in the Yongmunsa altarpiece. During the late Joseon Dynasty, wooden sculptures were not generally provided with mandorlas, but Daneung separately produced a mandorla and installed it behind the Seonseoksa sculpture. The lower section of the mandorla is adorned with nine circles against a background of lotus flowers and clouds. Inside these nine circles are written the names of the nine grades of rebirth from the upper grade-upper birth to the lower grade-lower birth, reflecting the faith in rebirth of these nine grades. Daneung seems to have intended these compositional and textual similarities between the Yongmunsa altarpiece and the Seonseoksa mandorla. They demonstrate a style unique to Daneung and embody his belief in Pure Land Buddhism. Fig. 7-1. Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha by Daneung and six other monk sculptors. Joseon, 1789. H. 1.17 m. Daeungjeon Hall at Seonseoksa Temple, Seongju Fig. 7-2. Detail of the Nine Grades of Rebirth in the lower section of the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple 2. Elements of Seon (Chan) Buddhism The top edge of the frame of this Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece is carved with the Sanskrit character (om) and a reversed swastika (卍, K. man) (Fig. 8). The bottom edge of the frame has engraved Chinese characters reading “myeongsim” (明心, luminous mind or illuminating the mind) (Fig. 9). In Buddhism, the Sanskrit character “om” symbolizes the energy and fundamentals of the universe and is often used at the beginning of various darani (invocations). The swastika represents auspiciousness and all virtues within the body of the Buddha. The word myeongsim reflects the concept of Buddhist practices illustrated by the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece. The word itself means “luminous mind” and can refer to something that illuminates the mind. In historical literature related to Seon (禪, Chan in Chinese) Buddhism, myeongsim is used as part of phrases like “myojeongmyeongsim” (妙淨明心, subtle, clear, and luminous mind) or “myeongsimgyeonseong” (明心見性, seeing the Buddha nature within oneself by illuminating the mind). In other words, myeongsim refers to the Buddha nature within oneself, that is, enlightenment itself, or the practice of discovering their Buddha nature. This word is intimately intertwined with Seon Buddhism. Fig. 8. “Om” and “Swastika” on the top edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 9. “Myeongsim” (明心) on the bottom edge of the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Daneung widely used similar terms related to Seon Buddhism in his other sculptures. The Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas produced in 1681 at Magoksa Temple are a case in point. The middle shaft of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 10-1) bears carved inscriptions reading “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門) and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治) at both ends of its front side (Fig. 10-2). These phrases are extracted from Beopjip byeolhaengnok jeoryo byeongipsagi (法集別行錄節要幷入私記, Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes) written by the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul (1158–1210), in 1209 during the Goryeo Dynasty. Donjeomimun means dono (sudden enlightenment) and jeomsu (gradual cultivation), which are the two methods of Seon Buddhist practice. Seongjeokdaechi is related to seongjeokdeungjimun (惺寂等持門, the path of parallel keeping of quiescence and alertness) among the three types of Seon Buddhist practices. The path promotes curing semi-consciousness with wisdom and subjective discrimination with meditation, corresponding to the concept of jeonghyessangsu (定慧雙修, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom). Thus, the two phrases on the pedestal of the seventh Buddha sculpture at Magoksa Temple can be understood as referring to donojeomsu and jeonghyessangsu. Fig. 10-1. The Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. H. 81.3 cm Fig. 10-2. Engravings on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple. From left to right: “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治, joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, wisdom of equality), and “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門, sudden enlightenment and gradual cultivation) Jinul’s Excerpts from the Dharma Collection and Special Practice Record with Personal Notes was published several times during the Joseon Dynasty. It was so famous that it was quoted in Seonga Gwigam (禪家龜鑑, Models for Seon Practitioners) written in 1564 by Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604). Moreover, it served as a very important textbook for Sajipgwa (四集科), the second course in the Joseon monastic education system established in the seventeenth century. Daneung carved the foremost phrases from the Seon practices studied and mastered by monks of the time onto the pedestal of the Buddha sculpture. The precise centers of the four sides of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha at Magoksa Temple display carved inscriptions of the four wisdoms (智). From the right side in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11) appear “daewongyeongji” (大圓鏡智, the great perfect mirror wisdom), “pyeongdeungseongji” (平等性智, the wisdom of equality), “myogwanchalji” (妙觀察智, the wisdom of wondrous observation), and “seongsojakji” (成所作智, the wisdom of accomplishing that which is to be done). These four wisdoms refer to the Buddha’s four pure wisdoms expounded in the Yogacara (唯識, consciousness-only) from Buddhist epistemology. Given that the two phrases discussed above are Seon Buddhist concepts, the four wisdoms need to be examined from the perspective of Seon Buddhism as well. For example, in Liuzu fabaotan jing (六祖法寶壇經, The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch), which recorded the achievements and teachings of Huineng (慧能, 638–713), the sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and a founder of the Southern School of Chan Buddhism during the Tang (唐) Dynasty, Huineng briefly explained the four wisdoms from the perspective of Seon (Chan) Buddhism. The Dharma Jewel Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch exerted considerable influence on the monk Jinul from the Goryeo Dynasty (918–1392) and on Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty (1392–1897). In this light, it seems natural to understand the phases engraved on the pedestal made by Daneung as falling within the context of Seon Buddhism. Fig. 11. The placement of four wisdoms and eight trigrams on the middle shaft of the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple As discussed above, I have analyzed elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple and explored their meanings. These elements show the fusion of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism. Cheongheo Hyujeong (淸虛休靜, 1520–1604), a high priest who suggested a direction for late Joseon Buddhism, advocated a synthetic practice of meditation, doctrinal learning, and recitation of the Buddha’s name as a path to reach enlightenment. Later, his disciple Pyeonyang Eongi (鞭羊彦機, 1581–1644) inherited this practice and further systemized it. Hyujeong also elucidated seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism), insisting that meditation is like chanting the Buddha’s name, and that chanting the Buddha’s name is meditation. The yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice in Seon meditation of reciting the Buddha’s name that developed based on the theory of the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism became popular in late Joseon Buddhist circles. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa are thought to have merged elements of Seon and Pure Land beliefs into the work, taking into account these trends in faith and practice. The Utilization of Hexagram Images (卦象) from the Book of Changes 1. Eight Trigrams and Directions The full use of the symbol systems found in the Book of Changes, including the eight trigrams and sixty-four hexagrams, is another prominent feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. The Book of Changes entails a thinking system that describes the logic of the creation and the changes in nature and the human world through hexagrams composed of lines that are either yin (陰) or yang (陽). It is originally an ancient Chinese scripture unrelated to Buddhism. However, it both exerted an influence on and was influenced by Buddhism over the centuries in East Asia, and eventually came to be interwoven with Buddhism. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is an apt example of the interaction between Buddhism and the Book of Changes. The borders of the mandorla for the main Amitabha Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are engraved with eight trigrams, or soseonggwae (小成卦), each consisting of three lines. Each of the four edges of the wooden frame of this altarpiece is carved with three hexagrams from among the sixty-four hexagrams (or daeseonggwae [大成卦]), with each hexagram consisting of six lines. The eight soseonggwae on the mandorla indicate space (directions), and the twelve daeseonggwae on the wooden frame symbolize time. The eight soseonggwae trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are li (☲), gon (☷), tae (☱), geon (☰), gam (☵), gan (☶), jin (☳), and son (☴), which are read clockwise from the lower left (Fig. 12). Each of these trigrams is associated with an element from nature: li (fire), gon (earth), tae (lake), geon (heaven), gam (water), gan (mountain), jin (thunder), and son (wind). When they are placed in a certain order, they also serve as symbols indicating directions. The diagram of the Later Heaven (後天) or King Wen (文王) eight trigrams included in Zhouyi benyi (周易本義, Original Meaning of the Book of Changes) compiled by Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130–1200) during the Song (宋) Dynasty consists of jin (east), son (southeast), li (south), gon (southwest), tae (west), geon (northwest), gam (north), and gan (northeast) (Fig. 13). This diagram was widely used as a directional system across East Asia, including in Joseon Dynasty Korea. The eight trigrams on the mandorla of the main Buddha Amitabha in the center of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple exactly match the eight directions based on the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Fig. 12-1. Main Buddha and mandorla of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 12-2. The placement of eight trigrams and taegeuk on the mandorla of the Main Buddha of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple Fig. 13. King Wen (or Later Heaven) Eight Trigrams *reversed Three years before the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, Daneung attempted to express eight trigrams on the pedestal of one of the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in Gongju. At the four corners of the middle shaft of the pedestal of the seventh Buddha, gon (☷), geon (☰), li (☲), and son (☴) are engraved from the southwest corner in a clockwise direction (Fig. 11). Among these four, three of them (gon [southwest], geon [northwest], and son [southeast]) correspond to the directions in the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams. Li, originally referring to south, is not supposed to be placed in the northeast. Gan (☶) should have been engraved here instead. While less than perfect in the Magoksa piece, the directional system of eight trigrams was accurately presented in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. It is also worth noting that the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is adorned with taegeuk (太極, supreme ultimate) emblems in addition to the directional expressions made through the eight trigrams. More specifically, two samtaegeuk emblems (, triune supreme ultimate) are depicted using line engravings in the upper section of the mandorla. This combination of taegeuk with the eight trigrams recalls the Diagram of Order of Eight Trigrams (八卦次序圖) from the Song Dynasty (Fig. 14). This diagram was based on the remark from the Xicizhuan Section (繫辭傳, Treatise on the Appended Remarks) in the Book of Changes that “There is taegeuk in the Changes; this generates the Two Modes (陰陽, Yin and Yang); the Two Modes generate the Four Forms (四象); the Four Forms generate the Eight Trigrams” (易有太極 是生兩儀 兩儀生四象 四象生八卦). The diagram underlies the ontology of Neo-Confucianism compiled by Zhu Xi. Although depicted at a small size, the eight trigrams indicating directions and the taegeuk symbolizing the origin of all things are presumed to have been arranged around the main Buddha to show that the Buddha and dharma (Buddhist law) is at the center of the cosmic order and principles. Fig. 14. Diagram of the Order of Eight Trigrams Unbong Seonsa simseongron (雲峰禪師心性論, Seon Master Unbong’s ‘Theory of Mind-Nature’) was written by a monk named Unbong Daeji (雲峰大智) in 1684, the year when the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple was created. It was published two years later in 1686. In it, Unbong repeatedly mentions the Book of Changes and develops his theory about the human mind and nature by employing elements from the Book of Changes, including non-polarity (無極), supreme ultimate, and yin and yang. He also repeatedly quotes the Yuseokjiruiron (儒釋質疑論, Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), a book written in defense of Buddhism by an anonymous author in between the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth century. For example, Unbong explains trikaya (三身, the three bodies of Buddha) by relating them to elements from the Book of Changes: Non-polarity is dharmakaya (法身, body of essence), yin-yang is sambhogakaya (報身, body of enjoyment), and the intermingling and interactions of inner energy and pulse is nirmanakaya (化身, body of transformation). He adds that nirmanakaya, particularly, has the nature of numbers (數) and combines twenty-four fortnight periods, nine palaces (九宮), and five phases (五行). The original text of Yuseokjiruiron mentions the twenty-four fortnight periods, the five phases, and the directions of the eight trigrams as the equivalent of nirmanakaya and features the complex Nine Palaces Diagram that combines them all (Fig. 15). One form of the theory on directions of the eight trigrams, this Nine Palaces Diagram is a mixture of yin-yang and the eight trigrams. Fig. 15. Nine Palaces, Five Phases, and Eight Trigrams from Yuseokjiruiron (Probing the Doubts and Concerns between Confucianism and Buddhism), vol. II *reversed However, Unbong’s theory is difficult to accept from the perspective of orthodox Buddhism. His theory gives the impression that he was working hard to cobble together Buddhist doctrine and changes studies from the Book of Changes. Despite this, discussion about the incorporation of the Book of Changes continued within Buddhist circles during the Joseon Dynasty. In this religious and scholarly atmosphere, the directional system of eight trigrams from the Book of Changes appears to have been accepted by the Buddhist community as common knowledge, particularly in the late Joseon Dynasty. Monk sculptors like Daneung are presumed to have embraced this knowledge system and applied it to their work. During the Joseon Dynasty, people were able to acquire knowledge about the directional system of eight trigrams through various routes other than by reading the Book of Changes. As a case in point, Sancai tuhui (三才圖會, Illustrated Compendium of the Three Fields of Knowledge) compiled in China by Wang Qi (王圻) in 1609 (during the Ming Dynasty [明]) contains a number of explanatory diagrams related to the Book of Changes, including a diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams discussed above. There is a strong possibility that monk artisans in seventeenth-century Korea were introduced to these visual materials that were circulating in Joseon society, became familiar with the directional system of the eight trigrams, and applied it to their work. 2. The Twelve Sosikgwae (消息卦, Waning and Waxing Hexagrams) and Time Perspective In this section of the paper, I will explain the meaning of the twelve among the sixty-four hexagrams (daeseonggwae) engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple (Fig. 16). These twelve hexagrams, three on each of the four edges of the frame are jungjigon (or gonwiji) (䷁), sanjibak (䷖), and pungjigwan (䷓) from left to right on the top edge; cheonjibi (䷋), noecheondaejang (䷡), and taekcheonkwae (䷪) from top to bottom on the right edge; jungcheongeon (or geonwicheon) (䷀), cheonpunggu (䷫), and cheonsandun (䷠) from right to left on the bottom edge; and cheonjibi (䷋), jitaeklim (䷒), and jiroebok (䷗) from bottom to top on the left edge. Fig. 16. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple These twelve hexagrams can be compared to another set of twelve hexagrams engraved on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong, which is presumed to have been produced by Daneung in 1675 (Fig. 17). These hexagrams are intended to show twelve sosikgwae (消息卦, waning and waxing hexagrams) that represent changes in the appearance of the moon. Fig. 17. The placement of twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple The twelve sosikgwae are also called the twelve byeokgwae (辟卦). They are not an invention from the Zhou Dynasty Book of Changes, but were created in the Western Han (西漢) Dynasty around the first century BCE. The principle purpose of the twelve sosikgwae is to explain the flow of time and of the seasons through consecutive changes in the hexagrams followed by extinction and growth of yin and yang. Later on, the twelve sosikgwae were widely used to explain the mathematical theory found in the studies of changes (易學). The figures of these twelve sosikgwae hexagrams are formed as follows (Fig. 18). Jiroebok (䷗) signals the activation of the yang cosmic force with the addition of a straight yang line (—) at the bottom and corresponds to the eleventh lunar month. Jitaeklim (䷒) corresponds to the twelfth lunar month and has two bottom straight yang lines, while jicheontae (䷊) denotes the first lunar month and has three bottom straight yang lines. These three hexagrams make up winter. The yang cosmic force gradually increases as the straight yang lines compile one by one. Continuing in this manner, noecheondaejang (䷡) signifies the second lunar month, and taekcheonkwae (䷪) represents the third month. Jungcheongeon (䷀) denotes the fourth lunar month and consists of six straight yang lines, so it is brimming with yang cosmic force. These three hexagons make up spring. Starting from cheonpunggu (䷫), corresponding to the fifth lunar month, the yin cosmic force begins to increase with a pair of broken yin lines (‒ ‒) replacing a straight yang line from the bottom to the top. Cheonpunggu, which has two broken lines, cheonsandun (䷠), denoting the sixth lunar month with four broken lines, and cheonjibi (䷋), signifying the seventh lunar month with six broken lines, together make up summer. A pair of broken yin lines continues to be added to form pungjigwan (䷓), meaning the eighth lunar month, sanjibak (䷖), indicating the ninth lunar month, and jungjigon (䷁), which is full of yin cosmic force and represents the tenth lunar month. These three hexagons form autumn. These twelve hexagrams corresponding to the twelve months constantly circulate in a clockwise direction. Fig. 18. Diagram of the Principle of the Twelve Sosikgwae (or Byeokgwae) In Korea, the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams were included in Yeokhak doseol (易學圖說, Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang (張顯光, 1554–1637), a Neo-Confucian scholar of the mid- and late Joseon Dynasty (Fig. 19). This book is significant in that it provides a comprehensive sourcebook containing all of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes up to that point. It was completed in 1608 and published in 1645. The distribution of this book appears to have resulted in the spread of the diagrams related to the Book of Changes in Joseon society. Fig. 19. Diagram of the Twelve Byeokgwae. Yeokhak doseol (Illustrated Explanation of Changes Studies) by Jang Hyeongwang Figure 20 shows a rearrangement of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams in a rectangular frame for comparison with the twelve hexagrams engraved in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpieces at Yongmunsa and Daeseungsa Temples. Most of the hexagrams in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa, are set similarly to the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but there are differences as well (Fig. 17). For example, at the starting point in the middle of the upper frame, salloei (䷚) is carved instead of jiroebok (䷗) (denoting the eleventh lunar month). In a clockwise direction, the next hexagram carved in the Daeseungsa altarpiece is pungtaekjungbu (䷼) rather than jitaeklim (䷒) (signifying the twelfth lunar month). After the next one, noesansogwa (䷽) is carved instead of noecheondaejang (䷡) (corresponding to the second lunar month). Thus, the hexagrams on this altarpiece are inconsistent. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple presumably made by Daneung in 1675 is believed to have originally been intended to express the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, but errors in their arrangement seem to have occurred. Fig. 20. Twelve sosikgwae rearranged in a rectangular form Interestingly, Daneung engraved hexagrams similar to the twelve sosikgwae on the railings above the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas from 1681 at Magoksa Temple. The rear railings for the first Buddha (Fig. 21) have been lost, but the four front sides still bear hexagons indicating noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month), jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonsandun (䷠) (the sixth lunar month), and cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) from the right in a clockwise direction. This arrangement of hexagons reveals an imperfection in terms of temporal continuity, as demonstrated by the lack of taekcheonkwae (䷪) (the third lunar month)and cheonpunggu (the fifth lunar month). On the other hand, the railings of the pedestal for the seventh Buddha (Fig. 22) show a temporal flow starting from jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month) on the far-right of the full-front side to cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in a clockwise direction. Moreover, another group of hexagrams are presented following the flow of time from pungjigwan (䷓) (the eighth lunar month) on the right-rear side to jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) on the left-middle side in a counterclockwise direction. Despite some consistency, the seventh Buddha at Magoksa fails to describe the twelve sosikgwae accurately since jungcheongeon (䷀) (the fourth lunar month), cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month), and noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) are engraved on the three remaining sides of its railings in a disorderly manner. Fig. 21. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the First Buddha (Vipassi) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple Fig. 22. The placement of hexagrams on the pedestal of the Seventh Buddha (Shakyamuni) among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple The hexagrams on the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple, which was produced three years after the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, are arranged similarly to those in the seventh Buddha among the Magoksa Seven Buddhas, but with a greater degree of accuracy (Fig. 23). The hexagrams on the Yongmunsa altarpiece can largely be divided into two flows. One of them consists of six hexagrams representing the cycle of months from the second lunar month through the seventh lunar month. They start with noecheondaejang (䷡) (the second lunar month) in the middle of the right edge of the frame, progress clockwise, and end with cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the lower section of the left edge of the frame. The other flow also has six hexagrams. These show the advance of the months from the seventh through the twelfth in a counterclockwise direction starting from cheonjibi (䷋) (the seventh lunar month) in the upper section of the left edge of the frame and ending with jitaeklim (䷒) (the twelfth lunar month) in the middle of the left edge of the frame. This arrangement does not perfectly match that of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. Nevertheless, compared to the placement of hexagrams on the pedestal railings for the Buddhas at Magoksa Temple, it is closer to the original version and more logical. Therefore, this arrangement was possibly intended from the outset of the production of the Yongmunsa altarpiece. Fig. 23. Diagram of the two flows of the twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams on the frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple It is noteworthy that cheonjibi (䷋) (corresponding to the seventh lunar month) appears twice. This twofold composition indicates that one cycle of months ends in the seventh lunar month and the other begins in the same month. The person who designed this placement of the twelve hexagrams appears to have considered the seventh lunar month to be a critical junction for something or attributed some special meaning to it. While the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is presumed to have consulted the preexisting twelve sosikgwae, it constructed its own timeframe by transforming them from a Buddhist perspective. Neo-Confucianism became the ruling ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty and Buddhism was deemphasized. In response to this shift in the dominant ideology, Buddhist circles emphasized how Buddhism also conformed to the concepts of loyalty and filial piety and made contributions to society. Ideologically, they pursued coexistence with Confucianism by asserting a harmony or accord between the two thought systems. In order to secure a foundation for the continued existence of Buddhism, even if under a disadvantages monks argued for the connection between Confucianism and Buddhism. They also studied Neo-Confucian thinking and were open to related knowledge. They took great interest in the Book of Changes since it explicates not an absolute truth, but an endless process of change. Monks at the time appear to have felt familiar with this concept from the Book of Changes since it was similar to the teaching of impermanence (無常, K. musang) in Buddhism. Late Joseon monks quoted the Book of Changes as a metaphorical subject to justify the production of Buddhist images. As a case in point, Baekam Seongchong (栢庵性聰, 1631–1700) explained in his writing a reason for making an image (像) of Buddha by alluding to the teachings in the Book of Changes, as follows: “I have heard that the teachings of the Book of Changes lie in creating images (像) at all costs and grasping their meanings, and that the profound meanings of the Book of Changes lie in forgetting images at all costs and brightening minds. Since meaning cannot be grasped without creating images and minds cannot be brightened without forgetting images, nothing goes in except by images and nothing can be gained by not forgetting them. This is in line with the enshrinement of Buddhist sculptures in our Buddhism.” (Emphasis by the Author) Baekam Seongchong took the theory from the Book of Changes that after creating images and symbolic signs and grasping their meanings, one should forget the images (得意忘象論) and equated it to the Buddhist theory that one can reach the truth through the production of Buddhist images (造像方便論). In the studies of changes, “images” (象), that is, hexagram images, were considered to be convenient signs indicating the operating principle of the world. Thus, hexagrams themselves were not taken as the ultimate goals. In a similar vein, “images” (象) in Buddhism, that is, images of the Buddha, were not a true form of the Buddha, but served as a means to better understand his true form since they resembled the deity. In this way, the production of Buddhist images could be justified. Joseon-era monks advocated the parallel logic that both the images in the Book of Changes and those in Buddhism served as a medium for approaching an ultimate truth. By doing so, they strove to assign a religious authority to Buddhism equivalent to that of Confucianism. The creators of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple fully used hexagram images from the Book of Changes due to the utility of their symbolic system. The Buddhist worldview highlights infinitely expanding time and space. Surprisingly, simple and clear symbol systems that easily visualize this worldview are scarce in Buddhist art. In other words, any tradition of presenting temporal and spatial infinity with no beginning or end using intuitive symbols was relatively weak in Buddhism. On the other hand, the Book of Changes had an advantage in that the concept of time and space was visually illustrated through a schematic symbolic system of mathematically well-organized hexagram images. It seems natural that the producers of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple would have been attracted by these functional elements in the Book of Changes. The creators presumably applied a symbolic system to Buddhist art that the people of the time could easily understand. The establishment of a temporal and spatial stage in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple by applying hexagrams from the Book of Changes, a major Confucian scripture, meant that Buddhist circles at the time were actively embracing Confucian elements. It also demonstrated the receptivity and expandability of Buddhist art. However, it is not the case that Buddhist art unilaterally welcomed external elements. It is important to note that Buddhist art added its own alternations to these external elements, based on Buddhist perspectives. It is unknown, however, whether leading monks, like Soyeong Singyeong, who supervised the production of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa, intended this acceptance and alternations or if the monk sculptor Daneung, who applied diverse iterations of hexagram images from the Book of Change in several Buddhist projects over the course of a decade, did so. Nonetheless, I propose considering all these as possible, taking into account the importance of the roles of monk sculptors in the production of Buddhist sculptures. Conclusion In this paper, I have explored the monk sculptor Daneung and the symbolism found in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple. Daneung was a remarkable monk artisan who actively engaged in producing Buddhist sculptures across several regions for over fifty years from the mid-seventeenth century through the early eighteenth century. The 1680s were his most prolific period and are considered his heyday. The Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that has been discussed in this paper was created in the 1680s and is considered a prime example of late Joseon Buddhist art marked by artistic creativity and a high level of accomplishment. Of note in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple are its various symbolic elements. First, Buddhist symbolic elements are divided largely into Pure Land Buddhist and Seon Buddhist elements. The elements of Pure Land Buddhism are presented literally through the depictions of nine grades of rebirth in the lower section of the altarpiece and through the phrases in a gatha (verse in poetic form) format engraved on the left and right edges of the frame. Similar depictions of the nine grades of rebirth can be observed in the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Gyeongguksa Temple created by Daneung in 1684 and another work of his from 1689, the mandorla of the Wooden Seated Amitabha Buddha at Seonseoksa Temple in Seongju, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. These examples suggest characteristics of Daneung’s expressive modes for Pure Land faith and his religious inclinations. Regarding the elements from Seon Buddhism, the word “myeongsim” (明心) carved in the center of the bottom edge of the frame is highly emblematic. This term epitomizes the gist of Seon Buddhism that finding the Buddha nature (佛性) inherent in one’s own mind is enlightenment. When creating the pedestal of the seventh Buddha among the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple in 1681, Daneung provided his views on the Buddhist practices valued by Seon Buddhism by engraving phrases of Seon practices that the National Preceptor Bojo Jinul had coined, including “donjeomimun” (頓漸二門), meaning sudden enlightenment (dono) and gradual cultivation (jeomsu), and “seongjeokdaechi” (惺寂對治), referring to the joint cultivation of concentration and wisdom (jeonghyessangsu). The word “myeongsim” in the Yongmunsa altarpiece can be understood in this context. The religious and ideological background underlying the inclusion of elements of Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism in the Yongmunsa altarpiece was based on seonjeong ilchiron (禪淨一致論, a theory on the unity between Seon Buddhism and Pure Land Buddhism). Under the influence of this theory, many monks in the late Joseon Dynasty engaged in the Seon meditation yeombulseon (念佛禪) practice of reciting the Buddha’s name. Internalizing this trend in faith and practice, the creators of the Yongmunsa altarpiece naturally infused elements of both Pure Land Buddhism and Seon Buddhism into the work. Another distinctive feature of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is the engraved hexagram images (卦象) from the Book of Changes, which was a thinking system from ancient China and a primary scripture of Confucianism. The borders of the mandorla of the main Buddha in the Yongmunsa altarpiece are marked with spatial directions using the eight trigrams from the diagram of the Later Heaven eight trigrams established by Neo-Confucianists. In combination with the taegeuk, the eight trigrams indicated that the Buddha and dharma are settled at the center of the cosmic order and principles. The frame of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple is engraved with twelve from among the sixty-four hexagrams in order to display a perspective on time. Here, the twelve sosikgwae (消息卦) symbolizing the passage and circulation of time based on changes in hexagrams according to the waning and expansion of yin and yang cosmic forces is applied. Daneung made similar attempts to carve the twelve sosikgwae into the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Daeseungsa Temple in Mungyeong from 1675 and the pedestals of the first and seventh Buddhas from the Wooden Seated Seven Buddhas at Magoksa Temple from 1681. However, these two earlier works are partially in error or show imperfect compositions. Applying the principle of the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams, the Yongmunsa altarpiece displays a more perfect manifestation of a time system. The use of hexagram images from the Book of Changes in Joseon-era Buddhist art carries historical significance. With Neo-Confucianism adopted as the dominant ideology of the state during the Joseon Dynasty, monks promoted a harmony and accord between Confucianism and Buddhism as a response to the policy of suppressing Buddhism. They also sought breakthroughs by studying Confucian learning, including the Book of Changes, and communicating with other religious groups. Joseon-era monks strove to obtain religious authority equivalent to that of Confucianism by drawing upon a theory on images from the Book of Changes in order to justify the production of Buddhist images. Moreover, they adopted hexagrams from the Book of Changes that described in simple terms the concept of infinite time and space as a schematized symbolic system for Buddhist art. Such endeavors demonstrate the open nature and expandability of Buddhist art. However, Buddhist art did not embrace external elements unconditionally. It added its own iterations reflecting Buddhist concepts, as shown in the case of the Wooden Amitabha Buddha Altarpiece at Yongmunsa Temple that transfigured the twelve sosikgwae hexagrams. With the roles of producers like the monk sculptor Daneung taken into account, determining the main agent for the absorption and transfiguration of external elements into Joseon-era Buddhism remains open to many possibilities.
January 2022, vol.16, pp.98-110 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2022.v16_07
The Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Figs. 1-1 through 1-3), National Treasure No. 293, was excavated along with another gilt-bronze sculpture of a standing bodhisattva in 1907 from Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun, Chungcheongnam-do Province. This sculpture presumably was put up for sale by the Japanese military police, passed through many hands, and came to be owned by a Japanese man named Niwase Hiroaki (庭瀬博章) or Niwase Nobuyuki (庭瀬信行), who was active in Joseon during the period of Japanese colonial rule. After Korea’s liberation, the sculpture entered the collection of the National Museum. Currently, it is displayed at the permanent exhibition hall in the Buyeo National Museum. The sculpture is 21.1 centimeters high, 7.5 centimeters wide, and weighs 860 grams. Since there is a representation of a transformed Buddha within the crown on his head, the main statue standing atop of a round lotus pedestal appears to have been produced as Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. The inside of the pedestal is hollowed out, while the parts where the pedestal and the statue are connected are plugged. This indicates the statue section is filled with cast metal. The thickness of the pedestal measures 2.8 millimeters at the thinnest and 7.3 millimeters at the thickest, but overall, it is very thin. There is even a hole in one of the thinner sections. The other gilt-bronze sculpture of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (Fig. 2), excavated along with the first one mentioned above, is known to have been purchased and owned by a Japanese man named Ichida Jirō (市田次郞), who lived in Daegu during the Japanese colonial era. Before Korea’s liberation, Ichida brought it with him to Japan. Afterwards, its whereabouts were unknown. However, the media revealed recently that the sculpture is in the possession of another Japanese person, which drew considerable attention. A comparison between these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures shows that the sculpture in Japan features a more natural facial expression, drapery, and posture than the one in possession of the Buyeo National Museum. Moreover, they differ in the connecting method of the figure to the pedestal. The main statue and pedestal of the Buyeo sculpture were cast at one time as a single unit, whereas in the case of the other sculpture, the pedestal was cast separately and attached to the figure later. Thus, despite the same excavation location, taking into account the clear differences in the natural depiction and the casting method used to connect the figure to the pedestal, these two gilt-bronze bodhisattva sculptures appear to have been produced at different times. In other words, these two sculptures are not contemporaneous. Considering the realistic body depiction, naturally flowing drapery folds, and sophisticated ornaments of the sculpture in Japan, the sculpture at at the Buyeo National Museum was likely produced earlier than the former. Further scientific research on the sculpture in Japan would enrich a comparative study with the Buyeo sculpture. Fig. 1-1. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (front) Fig. 1-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (back) Fig. 1-3. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (detail) Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva in Japan This paper intends to explore the structure, casting method, material components, and surface treatment method of the Giltbronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva excavated from Gyuam-ri, Buyeo, and currently housed at the Buyeo National Museum (hereafter, Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva) by examining it under a microscope and through nondestructive analysis and X-ray radiation. Survey Methods The form of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was examined at a magnification of 7.8 through an optical microscope (Leica M205A, Germany). The components of the statue’s base bronze and plating layer were analyzed using a portable µXRF spectrometer (ArtTAX, Germany) under the settings of voltage 50kV, current 600µA, and time 120s. The inner structure of the sculpture was inspected through hard X-ray equipment (Smart EVO 300DS) under the settings of voltage 210kV, current 3mA, and time 40s. Survey Results Examination of Form The Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva stands straight on top of a lotus pedestal, holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger and holding up his long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. He wears a three-sided crown with an image of a transformed Buddha on the front side (Fig. 3-1). This suggests that the sculpture might have been produced and worshipped as a manifestation of Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva. Below both sides of the crown, strands of hair tucked behind the ears fall over the shoulders. The sculpture has a round face (Fig. 3-2), which is large in relation to the body. The eyebrows form gentle arches and continue to the ridge of the nose. The upper eyelids look almost straight towards the corners of the eyes, while the lower eyelids form crescent-shaped lines and meet the upper eyelids at the corners of the eyes. The ridge of the nose is straight, and the nostrils are not depicted. The philtrum is deeply indented. The upper lip is thin and forms a gentle curve, while the lower lip is plump. The lips are tightly pressed, and the corners of the mouth appear to be slightly lifted, giving the impression that the Bodhisattva is giving a gentle smile. The ears are small in relation to the large face. The short and thick neck has three horizontal grooves (Fig. 3-3). Behind the head, a peg for placing a mandorla still remains (Fig. 3-4). Fig. 3-1. Transformed Buddha on the front side of the three-sided crown Fig. 3-2. Face Fig. 3-3. Neck and chest Fig. 3-4. Peg for placing a mandorla on the back Fig. 3-5. Right shoulder Fig. 3-6. Left shoulder The whole body is portrayed without a sense of proportion. The shoulders are narrow, but the arms are thick (Figs. 3-5 and 3-6). The right arm is folded almost to 180 degrees, and the right palm is facing forward (Fig. 3-7). The Bodhisattva is holding a small bead with his right thumb and index finger, while stretching out the rest of his three fingers which are stuck together. The left arm is naturally lowered down, with the wrist folded upwards almost at a right angle, and the palm facing downwards (Fig. 3-8). The deity is lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with his left thumb and index finger. The yeongnak (瓔珞, strings threaded with large beads) is draped in the shape of an “X” over the front and back of the body, adding decorativeness to the sculpture (Fig. 3-9). The long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth is naturally flowing down from the shoulders on both sides of the body. The necklaces, bracelets, and drapery folds are expressed with shallow lines. The skirt falls down to the tops of the feet, and creases of the skirt are depicted with fine lines over the legs (Fig. 3-10). The left foot sticks out slightly forward (Fig. 3-11). The pedestal is carved with a lotus blossom with eight petals, each of which is divided into two lobes (Fig. 3-12). The petals vary in size. The ones on the back are rather roughly formed. Although this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was buried and then excavated, the gilding remains rather intact, particularly on the backside. The statue’s round face and slightly pulled-in corners of the mouth are indicative of tender and gentle expressions in Buddhist sculptures from the Baekje Kingdom. Rust and peeled-off gilding around the eyes make the Bodhisattva look as if he is gently closing his eyes. Such an impression of the Giltbronze Standing Bodhisattva in harmony with gentleness creates an atmosphere of calmness, as if he is giving a soft smile. Despite simple depictions of necklaces and bracelets, this sculpture holds a strong decorative quality owing to yeongnak decorations draped over the front and back of the body which is one of its main characteristics. The distinctive features of this sculpture, which is thought to have been produced in the Baekje Kingdom, include: a high crown, decorations with a pointed center over the neck, and a gentle smile (made by the pulled-in corners of the mouth). This Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva sculpted to be viewed from all angles reflects a more advanced aesthetic sense than that of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (Figs. 4) which only was carved on the front. Moreover, it shows a soft and gentle smile on his round face and has a pedestal adorned with multiple petals of a lotus flower. Given all these aspects, the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is presumed to have been produced after the seventh century CE in the Baekje Kingdom. Fig. 3-7. Right hand Fig. 3-8. Left hand Fig. 3-9. Yeongnak decoration on the waist Fig. 3-10. Legs Fig. 3-11. Upper part of the pedestal and feet Fig. 3-12. Lotus flower petal on the pedestal Figs. 4-1 and 4-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva excavated from the temple site in Gunsu-ri, Buyeo (1. Front, 2. Back) Because the small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were more easily portable and replicable compared to middle- and large-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, their excavation sites, production sites, and authenticity are always in question. The exact location where this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was unearthed is unknown, but it is believed to have been found in Gyuam-ri, Gyuam-myeon, Buyeo-gun. In Gyuam-ri, Buddhist ruins from the Baekje Kingdom, including Wangheungsa Temple (王興寺), still remain. Verification of the exact excavation location of this Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva will help to further develop studies related to the Buddhist ruins of Baekje. Figs. 5-1 and 5-2. Inner side of the pedestal (1. Traces of spacers, 2. Trace of the sprue for pouring molten metal) Fig. 6. X-ray image of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Fig. 7. X-ray image of the Buddha Plaque excavated from Wolji Pond Casting Method The pedestal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva from Gyuam-ri is hollow inside (Figs. 5-1 and 5-2), and the traces of spacers or chaplets used to fix the internal core to the outer casting mold can be identified. There is also a trace of a sprue that the molten metal was poured through. These marks indicate that the molten metal might have been poured into the opening on the bottom of the sculpture’s pedestal while it was turned upside down so that it could flow into the head. This casting method is similar to the method commonly observed in ancient small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. X-ray analysis of the inner structure has identified bubbles which formed inside the arms and the pedestal during the bronze casting, yet were invisible to the naked eye (Fig. 6). These bubbles are thought to have failed to burst when the hot molten bronze was poured and have become solid instead. The Buddha Plaque unearthed from Wolji Pond in Gyeongju (Fig. 7) is a similar example of such a case. The bubbles are not visible on the surface of the plaque either, but the X-ray shows that they formed inside. Using X-ray analysis on the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, cracks in both the thumbs and index fingers have been confirmed. The use of spacers, the verification of a sprue for casting, and bubbles inside the sculpture attest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created using a lost-wax casting technique that was often employed to produce ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. This casting technique involves sculpting a layer of wax applied over an inner core of clay, covering the wax sculpture with the clay, adding heat to remove the wax, and pouring molten metal into the space where the wax was previously in place. Component Analysis The metallurgic composition of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva is of copper (Cu), tin (Sn), and lead (Pb). The average composition amount, taken from three different tests, comes out to 82.6% copper, 14.1% tin, and 3.4% lead (Table 1). The inclusion of lead in the bronze artifacts often caused defects like the separation of the metal. Nevertheless, lead was often added intentionally to this type of sculpture to lower the melting temperature, facilitate the smooth flow of molten metal, and eventually form a distinct shape with well-defined decorations. Based on the previous compositional analyses of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, a blend of copper, tin, and lead, along with that of copper and tin, or copper and lead, is often found in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the sixth and seventh centuries CE during the Three Kingdoms period. Several small, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures show similar proportions for their bronze alloy. According to the component analysis of the base metal layers of the gilt-bronze Buddha sculptures at the Gyeongju National Museum (Figs. 9–12), Silla gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in the seventh century CE—when the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was created—also contain 4–7% of lead (Table 2). The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, contain almost no lead. They were made from an alloy of copper and tin or made of pure copper. This indicates that by the eighth century CE, owing to the development of better reforging techniques, sculptures were produced at higher temperatures using high-purity bronze. Figs. 8-1 and 8-2. Analysis locations of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva (1. Front, 2. Back) Table 1. Components of the Base Metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_1 Base metal (front) 81.08 15.29 3.41 - - 0.17 M335_2 Base metal (back) 84.38 12.96 2.5 - - 0.08 M335_3 81.72 13.87 4.21 - - 0.14 Table 2. Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures and Their Components Analysis Number Object Title Components (wt.%) Period Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe duk 2223 Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla 79.85 12.55 7.5 - - 0.06 Second half of the 6th c. Base metal ssu 484 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 78.47 16.55 4.78 - - 0.11 First half of the 7th c. kyo 373 Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha 92.14 7.67 0.07 - - 0.07 8th c. duk 4052 Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha 95.21 4.09 0.51 - - 0.11 9th c. duk 4685 Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha 38.65 11.5 38.43 8.97 1.38 0.79 End of the 9th c. Gilding layer Fig. 9. Gilt-bronze Buddha Triad with a Large Mandorla Fig. 10. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Fig. 11. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha Fig. 12. Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha Gold (Au) and mercury (Hg) were detected in the gilding layer, indicating that the method for plating the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was a mercury amalgamation technique. This technique was mainly used when gilding ancient metalware, including gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Whether or not the gilding layer of a gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture contains mercury serves as a critical clue for guessing which plating technique was applied. The gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Silla periods were commonly gilded using a mercury amalgamation technique, where gold was melted and amalgamated into mercury. This mixture is then applied to the surfaces of a sculpture, and—by heating the surfaces—only the mercury is evaporated. Other plating techniques include the application of gold leaf using mercury as an adhesive and heating it, as well as a hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of organic materials, like lacquer varnish or glue, over the base metal. The former technique was employed in the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures from the Unified Silla period. Both gold and mercury (Table 2) were found during the component analysis of the Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha in the National Museum of Korea (Figs. 13). The rear side of the sculpture exhibits square gold leaves attached to the surface. This statue serves as a reference for the study of surface treatment techniques used in Buddhist sculptures. Table 3. Components of the Gilding Layer of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva Analysis Number Analysis Location Components (wt.%) Note Cu Sn Pb Au Hg Fe M335_4 Gilding layer(front) 52.77 28.85 1.18 14.52 0.83 1.51 M335_5 21.97 20.94 1.36 45.15 8.98 0.93 M335_6 1.66 15.21 0.16 69.33 12.81 0.06 M335_7 28.42 13.01 1.41 45.87 9.62 1.24 M335_8 30.77 48.38 1.25 17.06 1.36 0.74 M335_9 14.85 24.44 0.62 50.82 8.37 0.43 M335_10 25.39 12.44 0.83 51.15 8.63 1.12 M335_11 3.01 13.31 0.33 71.16 11.34 0.24 M335_12 20.09 35.46 1.19 36.57 5.6 0.61 M335_13 19.65 52.6 2.36 22.07 2.66 0.14 M335_14 4.46 12.56 0.3 71.74 10.34 0.08 M335_15 42.69 37.43 1.49 14.19 2.29 1.55 M335_16 14.17 44.35 1.59 33.9 5.45 0.1 M335_17 Gilding layer (back) 9.36 27.84 0.45 53.59 8.18 0.08 M335_18 2.24 28.67 0.29 58.78 9.25 0.04 M335_19 2.5 16.24 0.35 70.46 9.87 0.04 M335_20 0.79 10.88 0.36 76.4 11.1 0.05 M335_21 5.29 37 0.34 47.17 9.46 0.07 Figs. 13-1 and 13-2. Gilt-bronze Standing Vairocana Buddha (1. Front, 2. Rear-side) Conclusion This paper aims to analyze the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva crafted in the Baekje Kingdom in the seventh century CE and excavated from Gyuam-ri in Buyeo to identify its shape, structure, and casting technique. This statue strikes an unusual pose by holding a small bead in its right hand and lifting a long, narrow strip of ornamental cloth with its left hand. The yeongnak draped in an X-shape at the front and back of its body features strong decorativeness. A close examination of the shape of this sculpture has found that it bears characteristics of the Bodhisattva sculptures produced in the Baekje Kingdom, including ornaments such as a three-sided crown and a soft, gentle smile. Accordingly, it is presumed to be an Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva sculpture created in the Baekje Kingdom in or after the seventh century CE, during the Sabi period. Traces of spacers used to affix the interior core to the outer casting mold and those of a sprue for pouring molten metal were found inside the pedestal. Moreover, bubbles formed during casting were observed inside the arms and the pedestal. The use of spacers, the identification of the sprue, and bubbles inside the sculpture all suggest that the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva was produced by using a lost-wax casting technique. This method is often used to cast ancient small and mid-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The base metal of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva consists of a blend of copper, tin, and lead, commonly observed in the sixth- and seventh-century CE gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures of the Three Kingdoms period. The lead appears to have been included intentionally to increase the castability of the bronze and allow for detailed patterns and decorations to be clearly depicted. The alloy composition of copper, tin, and lead is one of the common blends used during the Three Kingdoms period, as demonstrated by the existing analysis results of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. The small gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures produced in and after the eighth century CE during the Unified Silla period, however, were chiefly made of pure copper or an alloy of copper and tin with nearly no lead, indicating that the development of better reforging techniques led to the production of the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures at higher temperatures with high-purity bronze. The detection of mercury in the gilding layer of the surface of the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva suggests that the sculpture was gilded using a mercury amalgamation plating technique that dissolved gold in mercury. As shown by the Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva, this plating technique was a surface treatment method principally used while crafting giltbronze Buddhist sculptures on the ancient Korean Peninsula.
January 2021, vol.15, pp.86-103 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2021.v15_07
Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures are created by first casting a desired image in bronze and then applying a thin coating of gold to the surfaces. Such gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures have been steadily produced across Asia wherever Buddhism flourished since at least the first century CE, including in Central and Southeast Asia, India, China, Korea, and Japan. Research on the materials and production methods of Buddhist sculptures has offered new clues to help resolve questions that cannot be answered by stylistic and iconographic studies alone. In particular, scientific analysis has provided additional information on the materials and production methods of these Buddhist sculptures. Among ancient sculptural images, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures provide notable examples suitable for scientific research. Stylistic analysis performed with the naked eye in combination with information on materials and production methods gathered through scientific inspection allows a more accurate understanding and more objective interpretation of the temporal and spatial characteristics of Buddhist sculpture (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–286). In a broad sense, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures have been produced using the same methods as gilt-bronze sculptures of Buddhas. Unlike standing or seated Buddhist images, however, gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures must have required more complex and elaborate techniques because of their unusual meditation pose (半跏思惟, banga sayu) with one leg resting horizontally across the other knee and the fingers resting against the cheek. This paper aims to examine the production techniques of two Pensive Bodhisattva images, respectively designated as National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83, that are considered finest examples of ancient Korean gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculpture. To this end, the paper first offers a general introduction of the production methods and materials common to ancient gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures and then analyzes the casting techniques of these two National Treasures. The objectivity of the analysis and understanding of the fundamental features of the sculptures have been improved by examining them not only with the naked eye but also with contemporary non-destructive inspection such as X-ray Fluorescence (XRF) analysis, γ-ray radiography for identifying the structures in the interior, and 3D scanning. Casting Techniques for Gilt-bronze Buddhist Sculptures Gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures created by gilding the surfaces of images cast in bronze are presumed to have been produced ever since Buddhist images were first created in India. The oldest existing gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (Fig. 1). Created in the first or second century CE, it is known to be excavated from a region in today’s Afghanistan. As Buddhism spread eastward, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were introduced to Central and Southeast Asia, China, Korea, and Japan. Soon, these areas began to produce their own gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures. Depending on the region and time of production, the casting and gilding techniques and the components and proportions of the copper alloy differ. Thus, the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture is considered one of the most important topics in the study of ancient Buddhist sculpture. Fig. 1. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Gandhara, 1st–2nd century. H. 16.8 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art Two primary techniques were used to cast bronze in ancient times: 1. Piece-mold casting (分割鑄造法), which originated in China and was used mostly in East Asia; and 2. Lost-wax casting (蜜蠟鑄造法 or 失蠟法), which originated on the Anatolian Plateau of Turkey or in the Middle East and spread throughout North Africa, Europe, and Asia. Piece-mold Casting When using the piece-mold casting technique, an original image is fashioned from clay. A release agent is applied to the image, and it is coated with an additional layer of clay. Once dried, the outer layer of clay is cut away. The surface of the original clay model is then evenly shaved away, and the cut outer sections are reassembled around it. The clay model becomes the inner core (內型土 or 中子), while the overlaid sections become the outer casting molds (外型土 or 鎔范). Spacers or chaplets (型持) are inserted between the core and the outer mold to maintain an even gap into which molten bronze is poured. Once the bronze cools, the clay molds can be removed, and the surface of the image can be plated with gold (Drawing 1). Drawing 1. Piece-mold Casting (Based on Strahan 2010, 141, Fig. 8) Piece-mold casting is often used to create sculptures with simple structures since the outer molds have to be removed from the original model.1 After a sculpture is cast, any metal that has seeped into the gaps between the outer mold sections creates protruding fins. In the case of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, these burrs can be ground away or covered with gold. Those on iron sculptures are often left intact due to the nature of iron. Spacers used for maintaining the gap between the core and the outer molds, such as copper or iron plates with nails or small clay core extensions deliberately left when shaving down the original model, often leave traces in a finished gilt-bronze or iron piece which are easily identifiable with the naked eye. Piece-mold casting began in China and was already in use from the Shang Dynasty (1600–1046 BCE). Most bronze vessels from the Shang Dynasty through the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE) were created using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). When Buddhism was introduced to China around the fourth century CE, and the full-scale production of Buddhist images began, piece-mold casting was heavily employed to create early gilt-bronze Buddhist images. For example, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in an archaic style, making the dhyana mudra (禪定印, meditation mudra) (Fig. 2), were mainly produced using this technique (Cowell, Niece, and Rawson 2003, 80). Following the subsequent introduction of lost-wax casting, piece-mold casting is presumed to have continued to be applied in the production of large Buddhist sculptures. In particular, massive iron Buddhist sculptures began to be made using this method, starting in the sixth century (Sato Akio 1981, 100). This method was used continuously for cast iron objects and colossal gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures until the Qing Dynasty (1616–1912). Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. China, 3rd–4th century. H. 32.0 cm. Harvard Art Museums It is unknown precisely when piece-mold casting was introduced to the Korean Peninsula. However, two-part molds (合范), early versions of piece-mold casting, emerged there in the mid-Bronze Age (800–300 BCE), so it appears that piece-mold casting in its mature form was introduced in the late Bronze Age at the latest. With the advent of Buddhism, the technique was used from the beginning of the production of gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in Korea. As a case in point, a Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha produced around the fifth century was unearthed from Ttukseom in Seoul (Fig. 3). However, this sculpture was made using a two-part mold without a core inside rather than the full piece-mold casting technique with a core and multiple outer mold pieces. Differing from the archaic-style Chinese gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures with hollow interiors, this example with an interior of solid bronze signals the emergence of characteristic gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures on the Korean Peninsula (Fig. 4). The eventual introduction of lost-wax casting resulted in a reduction in the frequency of the use of piece-mold casting for small and mid-size gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures, but it continued to be used for casting large Buddhist images. The Gyeongju National Museum’s Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha (Fig. 5) from the Unified Silla (676–935) is a larger-than-life-size Buddhist sculpture formed using piece-mold casting. Numerous colossal iron Buddhist sculptures made across the peninsula after the eighth century also used this technique. Piece-mold casting continued to be applied to large Buddhist sculptures throughout Goryeo (918–1392) and Joseon (1392–1897). Moreover, it was introduced to Japan and was used in many massive Buddha sculptures, including the Great Buddha at Todaiji Temple (東大寺) in the eighth century during the Nara period (710–794), as well as the Kamakura Great Buddha at Kotokuin Temple (高徳院) and other iron colossal Buddhas during the Kamakura period (1192–1333) (Min Byoungchan 2015, 284–285). Fig. 3. Gilt-bronze Seated Buddha. Excavated from Ttukseom in Seoul. Three Kingdoms Period, 5th century. H. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Fig. 4. Bottom of Fig. 3 Fig. 5. Gilt-bronze Standing Bhaisajyaguru Buddha. Unified Silla, 8th century. H. 179.0 cm. Gyeongju National Museum. National Treasure No. 28 Lost-wax Casting In lost-wax casting, an inner core is coated in wax, and the details of the desired model are sculpted. It is then covered with additional clay to create an outer mold. Iron core pins (釘) are inserted through the wax to immobilize the core and the outer mold, preventing them from adhering. The wax is melted away using heat, and molten bronze is poured into the channels left by the wax. The outer mold is broken away after the liquid bronze cools. The bronze image is taken out and can then be plated with gold (Drawing 2). Drawing 2. Lost-wax Casting Lost-wax casting is conventionally considered more appropriate than piece-mold casting for complex and elaborate bronze sculptures since wax is conducive to being modeled into the desired shape. It is suitable for expressing realistic and natural textures and for producing voluminous three-dimensional sculptural images. Moreover, instead of requiring relatively large copper plates or clay core extensions as spacers, thin iron nails can be used to link the inner core and outer mold, thus leaving minimal marks for removal after casting. In the case of colossal sculptures, however, it could be problematic to obtain the great quantities of wax required from nature. In addition, it is not apparent to the naked eye whether the wax is completely removed from the mold or not, and the removal itself is also quite demanding work. If molten bronze is introduced to a mold where some wax still remains, the process can result in failure. It has yet to be determined exactly when and where the lost-wax casting technique was invented. However, a large number of copper alloy objects produced around 3500 BCE using the technique have been excavated from Ghassulian sites in Nahal Mishmar on the Sinai Peninsula located in between the Mediterranean Sea and the Dead Sea (Moorey 1988, 171–173). These objects are the oldest known examples using the lost-wax casting method. Accordingly, lost-wax casting is presumed to have originated either in the Middle East or on the Anatolian plateau of Turkey, where bronze goods are believed to have been first produced (around 3500 BCE at the latest). The technique was introduced to Egypt around 1500 BCE and later spread across the Greek and Roman spheres via the Mediterranean Sea, making it the prevalent bronze casting method of ancient Europe. While the piece-mold casting technique was developed in China and disseminated only throughout East Asia, lost-wax casting originated in Southwest Asia and spread across the old continents of Asia, Europe, and North Africa. Lost-wax casting reached Afghanistan, Gandara, and the downstream portions of the Indus River Valley no later than the fourth century BCE during Alexander the Great’s expedition into Asia. With the advent of Buddhism around the fourth century, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures using the lost-wax casting technique began to be produced in China. There, traditional piece-mold casting is believed to have been regularly used for large-scale Buddhist sculptures or those with simple forms, and lost-wax casting was reserved for small- and medium-sized and complex Buddhist sculptures. Lost-wax casting had been imported to Korea by the sixth century. During the Three Kingdoms period, most small- and medium-sized gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures were created using this method. These include Gilt-bronze Standing Buddha with Inscription of “Yeongachilnyeon” (延嘉七年, the seventh Yeonga year) produced in 539 and two Gilt-bronze Standing Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva images excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province (Fig. 6). Along the transmission route of Buddhism, the lost-wax casting was introduced not only to Japan but also to the Southeast Asian Buddhist countries, including Vietnam, Cambodia, and Thailand, where the gilt-bronze Buddhist sculpture productions existed. (Min Byoungchan 2015, 285). Fig. 6. Gilt-bronze Standing Bodhisattva. Excavated from Seonsan in Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Three Kingdoms Period, 7th century. H. 33.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 183 Lost-wax casting is commonly considered useful for producing complicated and elaborate objects, while piece-mold casting is best for simple or large objects. However, there is no evidence pointing to the use of lost-wax casting among the exquisite bronze objects dating to the fourth and fifth century BCE recently excavated in China, including the zunpan (尊盤, ritual wine vessel) from the Tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng (曾侯乙墓) and the jin (禁, ritual altar table) from Xiasi, Xichuan. (Su Rongyu 2003, 31–33). Therefore, it is hard to conclude a sculpture’s casting method—whether it used lost-wax or piece-mold—simply from its size or the complexity of its form. Composition of Bronze and Gilding Methods In a narrow sense, bronze is fundamentally an alloy of copper and tin. However, component analysis of ancient Buddhist sculptures in bronze has revealed that copper-tin-lead alloys were far more frequent than simple copper-tin alloys.2 Many bronze Buddhist sculptures from ancient China also consisted of copper, tin, and lead, and in some cases of only copper and lead. Tin is one of the more suitable metallic elements for casting since it is economical. Moreover, tin can be easily alloyed since its melting point is lower than that of lead. Even after being melted down, tin has greater fluidity than lead alloys. Nevertheless, it is relatively rare and its production is confined to a limited number of areas (Park Junwoo 2012). The inclusion of lead in bronze is presumed to be a result of its use as a substitute for tin in regions where the latter is difficult to obtain. A majority of ancient Korean bronze objects show an alloy composed of copper, tin, and lead similar to that found in ancient Chinese versions. Tin was not produced at all in Korea, and even copper mines were scarce (Ministry of Commerce Industry and Energy and Korea Resources Corporation 2007, 14). Thus, most of the materials required to produce bronze appear to have been imported from China. Japan also had no local sources of tin, but rich copper deposits were available there. Accordingly, large-scale Buddhist sculptures were cast in Japan from early on using indigenously produced copper (Murakami Takashi 2007, 3). Unlike their Chinese or Korean counterparts, gilt-bronze Buddhist sculptures in ancient Japan were made of bronze that was almost entirely copper, with nearly no tin and lead, or a version composed of copper and around 3% tin or copper with a minute quantity of either arsenic or lead (Hirao Yoshimitsu 1996, 411). The methods for plating the surfaces of Buddhist sculptures with gold include mercury amalgamation, hand application of thin gold leaf to an adhesive layer of lacquer varnish, and application of a golden lacquer in which gold powder has been mixed with glue. Distinguishing between methods can be extremely difficult with the naked eye alone, but composition analysis of the plating layers can be more revealing. Ancient Buddhist sculptures were gilded chiefly using a mercury amalgamation technique, but some were gilded with gold leaf. In mercury amalgamation, a mixture of one part gold dust to five parts mercury is first applied to the surfaces of a sculpture. The mercury is evaporated by heating the surface to over 400 degrees Celsius, but the gold dust remains attached (Kobayashi Yukio 1989, 208). Since mercury amalgamation is more durable than applications of gold leaf or paint, gilding performed using this method typically remains in good condition for longer periods of time. Depending on the region or period, a discernable difference in the golden color can be found based on the proportion of gold dust to mercury, the thickness of the gilding, and the purity of the gold used, all of which reflect temporal and regional characteristics of the gilding (Min Byongchan 2015, 286). Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 78) Listed as the state-designated cultural property, this Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 7) is commonly referred to simply as “National Treasure No. 78” after its designation number. It has elsewhere been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Pagoda-shaped Crown” (塔形寶冠) or with a “Triple Mountain-shaped Crown with Sun and Moon Decoration” (日月飾三山冠) due to its uniquely ornamented crown. This sculpture is highly prized along with another similar-sized Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva designated as National Treasure No. 83 (Fig. 13). They are considered two of the most exquisite and representative Buddhist sculptures from the Three Kingdoms period. Other notable medium- and large-sized Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures produced around the same time include Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva, likely made in Silla (57 BCE–935 CE) in the seventh century and currently housed at Kōryūji Temple (広隆寺) in Kyoto, and an Asuka period Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva from the seventh century at Chūgūji Temple (中宮寺) in Nara, Japan. Fig. 7. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Three Kingdoms Period, late 6th century. H. 82.0 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 78 In 1912, the Japanese Government-General of Korea paid the Japanese businessman and antique collector Fuchikami Teisuke (淵上貞助) 4,000 won—estimated nearly as Three billion won in today’s currency, based on the then-and-now price of rice—for National Treasure No. 78 (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 81–83). In 1916, one year after the Government-General of Korea established its museum, the first Governor-General Terauchi Masatake (寺内正毅, 1852–1916) donated to the museum roughly 100 national treasure-level objects held by the colonial government, including Goryeo celadon works and National Treasure No. 78. The precise excavation site of the sculpture is unknown. However, the Korean Buddhist art history pioneer Dr. Hwang Suyeong assumed based on the testimony of Japanese people who were aware of the circulation of Korean antiques during the period that it might have been enshrined at a temple in the northern portion of Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, either in Yeongju or Andong (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 83). Yeongju and Andong were the regions where Buddhism was first introduced in Silla; also found in these areas are the Stone Pensive Bodhisattva sculpture (excavated from Bukji-ri in Yeongju, which is the largest existing pensive bodhisattva), and multiple small gilt-bronze pensive bodhisattva images (Min Byoungchan 2015, 266). National Treasure No. 78 reflects the Buddhist sculptural style of the Eastern Wei Dynasty (534–550) of China in its ornate crown, gentle faint smile, slender body, drapery folds sharply pointing upwards on both arms, and single-petaled lotus footrest. In particular, the elaborate crown is adorned with simplified designs of natural elements, animals, and plants, including the sun, crescent moon, birds’ wings, and foliage. These designs originated in Assyria in Anatolia or the Persian Empire on the Iranian Plateau and were transmitted to China, Korea, and Japan via Central Asia through the active cultural exchanges taking place at the time. They were used to decorate the coronals of rulers, symbolizing supreme authority or a sacred role as an intermediary between the divine and humanity. Adopted into Buddhist art, these designs were used to adorn bodhisattvas’ crowns to indicate the deity’s dignity and nobility. Examination with both the naked eye and using scientific methods such as XRF analysis and γ-ray radiography of the surface and interior of this sculpture unveiled some unusual features connected to the production techniques applied. National Treasure No. 78 shows detailed sculptural expressions in its complex crown, drapery folds facing upwards as if supporting the knee of the right leg, and the skirts of the robe separated from the body of the figure, all of which would be difficult to cast except through the lost-wax casting (Fig. 8). Inside this sculpture are core pins commonly associated with the use of lost-wax casting (Fig. 9). However, this sculpture differs slightly from others made using lost-wax casting in that the patterns on its interior reflect those on the exterior, the curves of the interior and exterior match, and it maintains an overall thin and uniform thickness of about four millimeters in the bronze. Moreover, unlike the thin body, the round edges of the bottommost parts of the lotus-shaped footrest and cylindrical chair are notably thick, measuring over 10 millimeters, and appear unusual, like modeling clay that has been pressed with a spatula (Fig. 10). Fig. 8. Detail of Fig. 7 Fig. 9. Interior and Core Pins of Fig. 7 Fig. 10. Interior of Lotus-shaped Footrest of Fig. 7 γ-ray radiography has also revealed several peculiarities in this sculpture. As a case in point, there are indications of a subsequently affixed semielliptical copper plate of about 20 centimeters in width and 10 centimeters in length between the necklace and the U-shaped drapery on the back (Drawing 3). This copper plate was attached to cover a gap created during casting. However, the quality of the work is so high that the marks are not easily apparent to the eye. Inside the chest portion of the sculpture, a vertical and a horizontal metal core bar intersect in the form of a cross. The vertical core bar reaches up to where the neck is, and there is an additional vertical core bar within the head (Fig. 11). That is to say, two separate metal core bars were used in the body and head. Besides, despite the smooth surface of the sculpture’s collarbone area (Fig. 12), γ-ray radiography revealed thick, horizontal protruding lines on the inside of the base of the neck, which is thought to be burrs created during casting. The two vertical metal core bars indicate that the inner cores for the head and body were sculpted separately and then joined. This caused microcracks between the attached parts of the head and body, and molten bronze flowing into the cracks formed burrs. Drawing 3. Inserted Metal Plates, Additional Casting, and Repairs of Fig. 7 Fig. 11. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 7 Fig. 12. Upper Torso of Fig. 7 According to XRF analysis, the main body of the sculpture is an alloy of copper and tin (approximately 5% tin). However, the copper plate attached on the back and additional repairs on both sides of the sculpture are made of an alloy of copper and lead (approximately 3% lead) with no tin. Moreover, the detached skirts of the robe and some parts of the decorations on the crown were revealed to be alloys of copper and lead (Drawing 4). This suggests multiple—at least two or more—casting processes were carried out. The re-casting with copper-lead alloys and repairs resulted from some casting defects induced by an irregular flow of molten metal during the first casting process and some parts of the skirt where molten metal could not easily reach since they are separated from the main body.3 Drawing 4. Metal Components of Fig. 7 Based on scientific analysis and observation of the interior of National Treasure No. 78, it is highly likely that the sculpture was produced using lost-wax casting. However, it also presents features of piece-mold casting, such as the thin and even walls of the bronze. The modeling method is also unusual compared to the typical process. The inner cores for the head, body, and lotus footrest with the left foot on were separately shaped and wax-coated. These parted wax models were then joined together to form a single, complete wax model for the sculpture. The exact reason for this is unknown. Nevertheless, since already hard-to-handle material wax becomes far more difficult to manage as it gets larger, we suspect that National Treasure No. 78 was produced in separate pieces. This sculpture appears to have been created by shaping an inner core similar in size and form to the desired finished image, applying a thin, even wax layer, and then carving into the surface of wax as desired. The use of a thin wax layer brought out the consistent thickness of the sculpture and the matching internal and external forms, both often found in sculptures using the piece-mold casting. The thin wax layer also led to the flat, nearly volume-less expression of drapery folds and belt decorations. The wax-coated head and left foot with the lotus footrest were sculpted and attached to the main body, and round sculpted wax edges at the bottommost pedestal were also added (Drawing 5). After this basic shape for the sculpture was formed, the wax image was completed by carving detailed designs and drapery that is detached from the main body. It was then meticulously coated with additional clay to form the outer mold and dried. The wax was melted and completely removed through the application of heat. Next, molten bronze was poured into the channels left by the wax. However, the molten bronze failed to penetrate to the center of the back, waist, the upper portion of the rear of the cylindrical chair, the top of the head, and the drapery that is detached from the body, hair, and the endpieces of the crown, resulting in casting defects. These parts were filled in using a molten alloy of high-purity copper and lead, rather than the copper-tin alloy used during the initial casting process. The molten alloy was poured directly into some of the defective parts, while separately cast segments were attached to others. It is hard to know with perfect certainty why alloys composed of different metal elements were utilized for these repairs. However, such alloys were likely used since alloys with a high percentage of copper allow easier repairs. Furthermore, it is possible that the lead detected was used for soldering rather than alloying. Even though the relatively thin-walled design of the sculpture compared to its size did not allow the molten bronze to flow smoothly, the defective parts were perfectly repaired using advanced soldering techniques and the properties inherent in the metal. Accordingly, a well-made sculpture was created with the repairs indistinguishable to the naked eye. Drawing 5. Three Sections Sculpted Using Additional Wax of Fig. 7 Characteristics and Production Methods of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (National Treasure No. 83) National Treasure No. 83, a Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva (Fig. 13), has been referred to as Pensive Bodhisattva with a “Three-peaked Crown” (三山冠) since the sculpture wears a distinctive crown featuring a row of three rounded peaks. It has also been called “Deoksugung Pensive Bodhisattva” since it was once in the collection of the former Deoksugung Palace Museum (integrated into present-day National Museum of Korea in 1969). Both National Treasure No. 83 and the previously-discussed National Treasure No. 78 of similar size are among the finest examples of Korean Buddhist sculpture. Its resemblance to Wooden Pensive Bodhisattva at Kōryūji Temple in Kyoto has led to a comparative discussion of these two sculptures in terms of Buddhist art history (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 13. Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Silla, early 7th century. H. 93.5 cm. National Museum of Korea. National Treasure No. 83 The Yi Royal Household Museum (later Deoksugung Palace Museum) purchased this sculpture for 2,600 won (nearly two billion in today's won, based on the rice price) in 1912 from Kajiyama Yoshihide (梶山義英), a Japanese antique dealer who was active in Seoul. However, its precise excavation site is unknown. Sekino Takashi (關野貞), a professor at the University of Tokyo who conducted research on cultural assets in Korea, mentioned that the sculpture was found at a temple site near the Oreung Royal Tombs in Gyeongju, but he failed to provide concrete evidence. Based on the testimony of the former director of the Gyeongju National Museum, Osaka Kintarō (大坂金太郞), head monks at temples around Gyeongju, and neighborhood residents, Dr. Hwang Suyeong suggested that the sculpture might have been unearthed from a temple site in the vicinity of Seonbangsa Temple Site (禪房寺址) on the west side of Namsan Mountain in Gyeongju (Hwang Suyeong 1998, 37–41). National Treasure No. 83 wears a three-sided crown consisting of three pieced-together semicircles. Its unadorned surface creates a simple yet intense impression. The shape of the crown is a relatively unique style rarely seen in other countries, including India and China. However, similar examples can be found in Pensive Bodhisattva sculptures from the Silla Kingdom, including Rock-carved Pensive Bodhisattva at Sinseonam Hermitage on Danseoksan Mountain in Gyeongju, Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva excavated from the Hwangryongsa Temple site (Fig. 14); and Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva found in Seonggeon-dong, Gyeongju (Min Byoungchan 2015, 271). Fig. 14. Head of Gilt-bronze Pensive Bodhisattva. Excavated from Hwangryongsa Temple Site. Silla, early 7th century. H. 8.2 cm, W. 4.9 cm. National Museum of Korea Like National Treasure No. 78, this sculpture has been studied both with the naked eye and also with scientific methods, including γ-ray radiography. Its bronze alloy components were examined through XRF analysis. These analyses have revealed several important characteristics related to the production methods involved. As seen in National Treasure No. 78, the topography of the interior of this sculpture mostly matches to its exterior (Fig. 15). Core pins maintaining a gap between the inner core and outer mold are also found in several places. Some of the clay used for the inner core remains inside the sculpture, including small fragments of thin vegetative stems and sandy clay mixed with coarse sand (Fig. 16). This is a considerable departure from the case of National Treasure No. 78, which used very fine clay (Fig. 17). Fig. 15. Interior of Fig. 13 Fig. 16. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 13 Fig. 17. Detail of the Clay Used for the Inner Core of Fig. 7 Like National Treasure No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 was created using a conventional lost-wax casting in which the inner core was molded into a shape similar to that of the desired image, the inner core was covered with wax, the wax was further sculpted, the wax was removed with heat, and molten bronze was poured into the space left behind. However, it differs from No. 78 in that the head and body made up a single inner core. Except in the lower areas of the rear of the pedestal, the left foot, and the lotus-shaped footrest, no severe casting defects are present. The thickness of National Treasure No. 83 is greater than that of No. 78, which resulted a smooth flow of the molten bronze. Besides, the use of an inner core mixed with sand and thin plant stems cut into three-centimeter lengths facilitates the release of air from the inner space, which would otherwise interrupt the flow of molten bronze. In terms of casting method only, National Treasure No. 83 demonstrates more advanced technique compared to No. 78. γ-ray radiograph has shown that inside the sculpture is a thick, square metal core bar that descends from the head to the pedestal. Two other metal core bars in the chest cross in the shape of an “X” and extend to both arms (Fig. 18). The converging points of the vertical and the two horizontal core bars were not knotted or tied with strings. Instead, the thin horizontal bars penetrate the thick bar through drilled holes, intersecting there like a cross. The thin bars extending into both arms are securely fastened to the thick bar, which prevented defects that could have otherwise occurred due to shifting in the inner core within the slim arms during the casting process. The thin bars inside the arms are coiled with a twine-like wire. This coiled wire, which is not found in National Treasure No. 78, is presumed to have been used to more securely attach the coarse-grained sandy clay to the metal bars. Fig. 18. γ-ray Radiography Image of Fig. 13 According to the XRF analysis of the metal components, the main body of National Treasure No. 83 consists of bronze with 4–5% tin. This is nearly identical to the composition of the main body of National Treasure No. 78. Three repaired parts—two on the bottom of the cylindrical chair and one on the frontal left foot resting on the lotus footrest—also underwent the XRF analysis. It was revealed that only one of them was repaired using bronze with identical components as the main body, but the left foot-footrest and the repair on the bottom-left chair were repaired using nearly pure copper with almost no tin (Drawing 6). The section where the repair materials match those of the main body is thought to have been repaired around the time when the sculpture was cast. The repairs on the other parts are presumed to have been performed during the Unified Silla period or later. The difference in the forms of the surface indicates that the repairs on the pedestal were not carried out simultaneously. In a similar vein, the use of pure copper, which began to be fully utilized for Buddhist sculptures during the Unified Silla period, suggests that these repairs were also performed at different times. It is likely that the three sections were all repaired when the sculpture was first cast, but two of the sections later failed and had to be repaired once again. Drawing 6. Inserted Metal Plates and Repairs of Fig. 13 (National Museum of Korea 2017, 66–67) Conclusion This comprehensive examination of National Treasures No. 78 and No. 83 through careful observation with the naked eye, γ-ray radiography, and XRF analysis of the metal components has improved the understanding of these sculptures and allowed inferences to be made about their production methods. Fundamentally, these two sculptures were both produced using lost-wax casting with core pins. However, they show differences in the modeling of the inner core and the application and the sculpting of the wax. A vertical metal core bar was inserted into the head and another into the body of National Treasure No. 78. Inside the clavicle area where the neck and chest meet are burrs created by the permeation of molten bronze. Moreover, repairs of its casting defects can be observed in several places, including the decorations of the crown, drapery, back, both sides, and cylindrical chair. Unlike the bronze of the main body containing tin, nearly pure copper was used for these repairs. The walls of the sculpture are very thin, measuring about four millimeters, and extremely fine clay was used for the inner core. In the case of National Treasure No. 78, the inner cores for the head and body were separately sculpted, then a thin, even layer of wax was applied over the cores, creating rough wax model parts. The discretely-formed head and body were joined, and the left foot and footrest, which were sculpted only in wax without an inner core, were attached. Additional layers of wax were added to the protruding designs, such as the hair and belt decorations, and were further sculpted. After elaborately carving additional details, the whole wax sculpture was completed. An outer mold was established by covering the wax sculpture with clay. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured into the mold to cast the sculpture. Its complex crown decorations, thin walls, and the fine clay used for the inner core allowing only poor air ventilation all hampered the flow of the molten bronze, leading to a number of casting defects. Accordingly, defective areas were repaired by recasting or by attaching new parts. Lastly, the surface of the sculpture was plated with gold. The thin layers of wax affected the volume of the completed work and created an intense feeling of flatness. Compared to No. 78, National Treasure No. 83 presents a relatively simple internal structure of core bars. It has a single vertical core bar and two metal bars in the chest area extending into both arms and penetrating the vertical core bar to intersect in the form of a cross. This simple metal bar structure was firmly fastened to the inner core to hold it steady. Its inner core consists of a sandy clay mixed with pieces of thin plant stems, and its bronze is relatively thick at roughly 10 millimeters. This sculpture is considered to be almost perfectly cast and shows a high level of completeness with almost no repairs required beyond two spots on the bottom and the left foot. In the case of No. 83, metal bars were erected, a single inner clay core was shaped, and a thick layer of wax was applied. By lightly carving the wax layer or adding additional wax, a complete wax model was achieved. Next, the wax image was covered with another layer of clay to form the outer mold. After the wax was removed with heat, molten bronze was poured in to cast the sculpture. Almost no casting defects occurred. After the bottom and left foot were repaired, the sculpture was finished with gilding. The use of the thick wax layer allowed an abundant sense of volume and added a three-dimensional effect and further reality to the drapery folds. Although National Treasure No. 78 and No. 83 both employ the same production method, that is, lost-wax casting, they show differences components of the inner core, the thickness of the finished sculpture, and the usage of wax. In National Treasure No. 78, the fine clay core caused poor ventilation of the air trapped inside the mold channels when the molten bronze was poured. In turn, together with the thin-walled design of sculpture, this poor ventilation hampered the fluidity of the molten bronze, leading to numerous casting defects. On the other hand, National Treasure No. 83 achieved even thickness with a smooth flow of molten bronze and used a coarse-grained sandy clay for its inner core that facilitated the release of air. Both sculptures show a similar composition for the bronze with a roughly 5% addition of tin. However, they differ greatly in the level of casting completeness due to the fluidity of the molten metal, the method of using core bars to fasten the inner core, and the placement of core pins. Such differences indicate that National Treasure No. 83 utilized much more advanced casting techniques than did National Treasure No. 78.
January 2020, vol.14, pp.92-103 DOI : https://doi.org/
The gold buckle (National Treasure No. 89) excavated from Seogam-ri Tomb No. 9, the oldest gold artifact crafted using the granulation technique to be discovered to date on the Korean Peninsula, is estimated to have been produced during the first or second century. Found at the waist level of the body interred in the tomb (indicating that it formed as part of a belt), this gold buckle stands out for its sumptuous decoration and fine crafting. Both archaeological and art historical research on the buckle have been conducted through the collection of morphological information based on naked-eye inspection and comparison with similar items excavated and preserved in China and other countries. However, the exact provenance of the buckle remains unknown. It has been suggested that it was made on the Korean Peninsula in a place such as the Nangnang (alternatively, Lelang) Commandery, under the influence of central China and the Xiongnu (also known as the Hunnu) or other northern nomadic peoples from what is now Mongolia. Identifying the buckle’s region of production is a matter of importance since it could provide clues about the origins of the granulation technique in Korea and the state of foreign relations at the time it was made. To this end, scientific analysis of the materials and techniques used to create the buckle is a key, and a scientific investigation was carried out to determine the metalworking techniques used in the production of the gold buckle from the Seogam-ri tomb. First, X-ray fluorescence spectrometer (XRF) analysis was performed to confirm the material composition of the gold sheet, gold wires, gold granules, and inset materials. Next, the conditions in the buckle’s interior and the manner of joining of the parts were examined through radiography, and the state of the buckle’s surface and structural details were confirmed using a stereoscopic microscope. After this, scanning electron microscope-energy dispersive spectrometer (SEM-EDS) analysis was applied to investigate the finer details of the gold granules and how they were bonded. Based on the chemical composition for the gold buckle and the results of the analysis of its structural details obtained through this process, a further integrated study of the buckle was accomplished. Method of Analysis XRF Analysis Using an X-ray fluorescence spectrometer, the material composition of the gold sheet, gold wires, gold granules, and inset minerals used to create the gold buckle were analyzed in a non-destructive manner. The analysis conditions are shown in Table 1 below. Table 1. XRF analysis conditions Equipment Analysis Conditions Voltage Current Time Collimator Portable μXRF Spectrometer, ArtTAX, Röntec, Germany 50kV 600μA 200s 200μm To confirm the purity of the gold, standard certified reference materials (CRM) produced by Bruker AXS Korea—Gold 1 (Au 84.71 wt%, Ag 10.30 wt%, Cu 4.99 wt%), Gold 2 (Au 89.80 wt%, Ag 9.13 wt%, Cu 1.07 wt%), and Gold 3 (Au 76.83 wt%, Ag 20.25 wt%, Cu 2.92 wt%)—were used. The calibration curve of each element was drawn and normalized to 100%. The CRM analysis results are listed in Table 2. Table 2. Results of XRF analysis of gold by standard certified reference materials (unit: wt%) Reference Material Chemical Composition Au Ag Cu Gold1 1 84.67 10.17 5.17 2 84.60 10.29 5.11 3 84.93 9.90 5.18 Average 84.73 10.12 5.15 Gold2 1 90.09 8.75 1.16 2 90.04 8.78 1.18 3 89.97 8.79 1.24 Average 90.03 8.77 1.19 Gold3 1 77.19 20.22 2.59 2 77.11 20.22 2.66 3 77.03 20.27 2.71 Average 77.11 20.24 2.65 Radiography Radiography (EX-300GH-3, Toshiba, Japan) was performed to investigate the state of the buckle’s interior and the joining of the parts. The imaging conditions are shown in Table 3. Table 3. Radiography conditions Voltage (kv) Current (mA) Time (mim.) Fucus Film Distance (mm) Film 130 5 4 100 Agfa D7 Stereoscopic Microscope Analysis The state of the gold buckle’s surface and structural details were analyzed using a stereoscopic microscope (M205-A, Leica, Germany). This type of device allows the sample to be enlarged from 5 to 100 times and is thus useful for the examination of parts that cannot be easily scrutinized with the naked eye. The analysis was carried out by varying the magnification according to the area of investigation. SEM-EDS Analysis To study the bonding points of the gold granules and their finer details, SEM-EDS analysis was conducted under the conditions shown in Table 4. To confirm the purity of the gold, standard certified reference materials (CRM) produced by European Reference Materials—EB506 (Au 58.56 wt%, Ag 3.90 wt%, Cu 35.65 wt%, Zn 1.89 wt%), EB507 (Au 75.10 wt%, Ag 3.02 wt%, Cu 14.69 wt%, Ni 4.99 wt%, Zn 2.11 wt%), and EB508 (Au 75.12 wt%, Ag 24.90 wt%)—were used. The calibration curve of each element was drawn and normalized to 100%. The CRM analysis results are listed in Table 5. Table 4. SEM-EDS analysis conditions Equipment Analysis Conditions Voltage Current Time S-3500N, Hitachi, Japan/X-maxN, Horiba, Japan 20kV 60–70μA 100s Table 5. Results of SEM-EDS analysis of gold standard certified reference materials (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Reference material Au Ag Cu Ni Zn EB506 1 59.65 3.81 34.39 - 2.16 2 59.76 4.10 34.11 - 2.03 3 59.79 3.56 34.32 - 2.33 Average 59.73 3.82 34.27 - 2.17 EB507 1 76.40 2.77 13.70 4.89 2.24 2 75.14 3.58 14.01 4.63 2.64 3 75.92 3.63 13.90 4.81 1.74 Average 75.82 3.33 13.87 4.78 2.21 EB508 1 74.91 25.09 - - - 2 74.87 25.13 - - - 3 74.48 25.52 - - - Average 74.75 25.25 - - - Analysis Results Composition of the Gold Buckle The analysis positions for the composition analysis of the gold sheet, gold granules, gold wires, and blue minerals used to produce the gold buckle are shown in Fig. 1, and the results for each position are listed in Table 6. The gold sheet had an average composition of Au 94.87 wt%, Ag 5.08 wt% with a purity of around 22.8K. The extra gold sheet appended to some parts had an average composition of Au 99.31 wt%, Ag 0.60 wt%, with a slightly higher purity at 23.8K. Using radiography and stereoscopic microscopy (as described in Metalworking Techniques), it was confirmed that an additional gold sheet of higher purity has been applied in some areas. The average composition for the gold granules was Au 99.32 wt%, Ag 0.55 wt%, and Au 99.31 wt%, Ag 0.60 wt% for the gold wires, and both the granules and wires had a similar purity at around 23.8K. The thin, flat gold wires surrounding the inset blue minerals proved to have a similar gold composition to the granules and other wire. The purity of the clasp is around 22.8K, and the purity of the wire holding the clasp in place is around 23.6K. The purity of the gold clasp is similar to that of the gold sheets, which indicates that the material is different from that used to form the granules and gold wires. The major composition detected in the blue mineral inset in the foreheads and bodies of the dragons decorating the surface of the buckle were Cu, Al, P, Zn, and Fe, which indicates that the mineral is likely to be turquoise [CuAl6(PO4)4(OH)8·5H2O]. Fig. 1. Analysis positions Table 6. Composition of the gold buckle (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis position Au Ag Cu Purity Gold granules 1 99.27 0.61 0.12 23.8K 2 99.33 0.50 0.17 23.8K 3 99.22 0.70 0.08 23.8K 4 99.44 0.39 0.18 23.9K Average 99.32 0.55 0.14 23.8K Gold wires 5 99.35 0.54 0.12 23.8K 6 99.16 0.62 0.23 23.8K 7 99.36 0.60 0.03 23.8K 8 99.26 0.65 0.08 23.8K 9 99.32 0.52 0.17 23.8K 10 99.29 0.64 0.08 23.8K Average 99.28 0.60 0.12 23.8K Thin, flat gold wires 11 99.51 0.45 0.04 23.9K 12 99.32 0.64 0.03 23.8K Average 99.42 0.55 0.04 23.9K Gold sheet 13 95.17 4.78 0.05 22.8K 14 95.45 4.52 0.03 22.9K 15 94.32 5.61 0.07 22.6K 16 94.53 5.41 0.06 22.7K Average 94.87 5.08 0.05 22.8K Added gold sheet 17 99.23 0.63 0.15 23.8K Clasp 18 95.10 4.71 0.18 22.8K Wire fixture for clasp 19 98.46 1.37 0.17 23.6K Blue mineral 20 Cu, Al, P, Zn, Fe As analysis of the minute details on the dragons is not possible with XRF, the purity of the gold wires forming the nose was analyzed using SEM-EDS (Fig. 2, Table 7). The results showed that the gold wires used to express the noses on the seven dragons had an average gold composition of Au 97.18 wt%, Ag 2.37 wt%, and a purity slightly lower than that of the gold wires applied in other areas on the buckle. Fig. 2. Analysis positions of the gold wires used to express the dragons’ noses Table 7. Composition of the gold wires used for the dragons’ noses (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis position Au Ag Cu Purity Gold wires 1 96.85 3.15 0.00 23.2K 2 96.59 3.37 0.03 23.2K 3 96.88 3.12 0.00 23.3K 4 97.45 2.55 0.00 23.4K 5 97.04 2.96 0.00 23.3K 6 97.71 2.29 0.00 23.5K 7 97.77 2.17 0.05 23.5K Average 97.18 2.37 0.02 23.3K Metalworking Techniques Observed in the Gold Buckle Gold sheet The analysis performed indicated the gold sheet to be 0.3–0.7 millimeters thick and to possess a purity of 22.8K. The large dragon and the six smaller dragons surrounding it on the surface of the buckle were formed using the repoussé technique, which involves hammering a metal sheet from the reverse side. The bodies of the dragons, their outlines, and the edges of the buckle are decorated with gold granules and gold wires. Repoussé is a metalworking technique in which a gold, silver, bronze, or other type of metal sheet is hammered from the reverse side in order to cause the surface to bulge outwards and produce a design in low relief. In East Asia, repoussé gold and silver artifacts have been excavated on rare occasions from Inner Mongolia and the Xinjiang Uyghur region, which were inhabited by nomadic peoples from the fourth century BCE to the third century BCE. Using a microscope and radiography, the addition of a supplemental gold sheet to a section of the side of the buckle could be confirmed (Fig. 3). This added gold sheet (analysis position 17) has a purity of 23.8K. As the reinforced section is surrounded by decorative gold wire, it is presumed that the additional sheet was applied to address a defect that occurred during the production process. However, the possibility that the defect occurred at some other point cannot be ruled out. Fig. 3. Reinforced section Gold Wires The three-section border around the entire buckle, the bodies of the dragons, and other surface decoration are expressed in gold wires. The outermost part of the border is made from two wires twisted together that are discontinuous at one point (Fig. 4). The central section of the border is decorated with a pattern of regular triangles created using a total of five strands of gold wire (Fig. 5). The inner side of the triangle design is finished with a border made with two strands of gold wire (Fig. 6). Fig. 4. Discontinuous point in the gold wire of the outermost border Fig. 5. Parts of the central border design where the gold wires meet Fig. 6. Parts of the innermost border where the gold wires meet The gold wires used to form the noses of the dragons (Fig. 7 (a)) has an average purity (23.3K), slightly lower than that of the wires used in other parts of the buckle (23.8K). According to experiments regarding the hardness of gold according to its purity, the hardness of 24K gold is 30Hv while that of 22K gold is 52Hv. A reduction in purity of 2K results in more than a 70 percent increase in hardness. This means that the dragons’ noses were made with harder wire than that used on other parts of the buckle. Fig. 7. Gold wires used to decorate the large dragon’s nose, horns, teeth and tongue The bodies of the dragons and the wave design on the surface of the buckle are made with 23.8K gold wires (Fig. 8). The horns, teeth and tongue of the large dragon in the center are formed from thick and thin gold wires (Fig. 7 (b)), but these features were omitted from the six smaller dragons (Fig. 8 (b)). Fig. 8. Gold wires used in dragon’s body and surface design, and faces of smaller dragons Production and Bonding of the Gold Granules Measurements taken of the granules on the gold buckle indicated that they can be classified into three groups: small, medium, and large. The largest granules measured 1.4–1.6 millimeters in diameter and served to decorate the top of the largest dragon’s head, body, and feet. The medium-sized granules, measuring 0.9–1.2 millimeters in diameter, were applied as decoration for the bodies of both the large dragon and the smaller ones. The small granules, measuring 0.3–0.5 millimeters in diameter, ornament the dragons’ ears and bodies and the surface of the buckle (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Sizes of the gold granules Known methods of bonding gold granules include soldering, copper diffusion, and welding. An analysis of the bonding points of the granules and traces of exfoliation on the fine details using SEM-EDS was performed to identify the composition of the bonding points and confirm the bonding methods used (Fig. 10, Table 8). When a bonding point was compared with the base gold, little difference in the composition of Au and Ag was noted but the Cu content was found to be 0.43–1.51 wt%, higher than the corresponding figure in the gold sheet, gold granules, and gold wires. In addition, traces of reinforcement were detected, meaning in sum that it is highly probable that copper diffusion was used to bond the granules to the gold buckle. Fig. 10. SEM images of bonding between gold granules Table 8. Results of EDS analysis of bonding between granules (unit: wt%) Chemical Composition Analysis Position Au Ag Cu 1 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 99.05 0.52 0.43 2 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 99.18 0.05 0.77 3 Bonding point (join between gold granule-gold granule) 98.35 0.14 1.51 4 Signs of exfoliation (join between gold granule-gold sheet) 93.72 5.14 1.14 Most of the gold items with granulated decoration excavated to date on the Korean Peninsula were made using soldering as the bonding method. Some examples are the Gold Earrings with Large Rings (National Treasure No. 90) discovered in Bubuchong (Tomb of Husband and Wife) in Bomun-dong in Gyeongju, the Gold Earrings with Small Rings and Gold Earrings with Large Rings (Treasure No. 557) in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art, and the Gold Wind Chime that was found at the bottom of the inner sarira reliquary of the Eastern Three-Story Stone Pagoda at the site of Gameumsa Temple from the Unified Silla period. Aside from these granulated works, the Gold Necklace excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong in Gongju was soldered using an alloy of gold, silver, and copper, and the Gold Cone-shaped Filigree Ornament discovered at a temple site in Neungsan-ri, Buyeo is known to have been soldered with an alloy of gold and copper. No report has yet been made of a gold granulated item found on the Korean Peninsula bonded using the copper diffusion method with a copper compound. However, the use of this copper diffusion technique has been identified in some gold ornaments from the tombs at Duurlig Nars in Mongolia. Red Pigment Inset Traces of a red pigment were detected around the eyes of the seven dragons decorating the gold buckle (Fig. 11). Most of it has flaked off and become difficult to identify with the naked eye, but these traces suggest that all of the dragons’ eyes were once tinted red. It was already known that red pigment remained in the eye area of the large dragon and the small dragon immediately below it, but this study confirmed that red pigment had been applied to the eyes of all seven dragons. XRF analysis of the pigment detected Hg and S, indicating the pigment involved to be cinnabar/vermillion (HgS). Fig. 11. Traces of red material In Korea, inset red pigment has mainly been found in items related to royalty, as in the case of the king’s earrings (Fig. 12), sword, dagger, and crown ornaments excavated from the Tomb of King Muryeong in Gongju. Cinnabar/vermillion pigment was also applied on the sarira enshrinement record written on the gold plate and the gold cap-shaped ornaments for curved jade pieces discovered at the Mireuksa Temple site in Iksan. On these gold cap-shaped ornaments, green and blue copper pigment was used along with cinnabar/vermillion, reflecting an expansion and diversification of the use of color. Moreover, it was confirmed that a gold ornament excavated from Seobongchong Tomb (Tomb of the Auspicious Phoenix) in Gyeongju dating to the Silla Kingdom features inset cinnabar/vermillion and black pigments. Fig. 12. Earrings from the Tomb of King Muryeong Conclusion Through an analysis of the composition of the gold buckle excavated from Seogam-ri Tomb No. 9 and the metalworking techniques used in its creation, it was possible to reach the following conclusions. Filigree Technique (Wirework and Granulation) All but the gold sheet used to make the buckle were found to have a purity level of 22.8K. The seven dragons were formed by hammering out their design in low relief using the repoussé technique, and their bodies, outlines and the buckle border were decorated with gold wires and gold granules. A portion of the buckle at the side was reinforced with an added 22K gold sheet. The gold wires used to decorate the border, bodies and outlines of the dragons was found to be highly pure at around 23.8K and was applied either as a single strand or as two strands twined together. The wires used to form the dragons’ noses was found to have a slightly lower level of purity than that of the wires used in other parts of the buckle, and consequently increased hardness. This harder wire was presumably applied as a means to ensure that the wire spirals forming the noses of the dragons maintained their shape over time. The gold granules used to decorate the bodies of the dragons and the buckle’s surface can be divided into small, medium and large groups. They were found to possess a high purity level at 23.8K. The elevated Cu content detected in the gold at the bonding point indicates that the copper diffusion method of bonding was used to attach the granules to each other and the surface. Fig. 13. Gold ornament from Seobongchong Tomb in Gyeongju Characteristics of the Decoration Techniques Aside from filigree wire and granulation work, inset gemstones and pigments were applied to decorate the gold buckle. Blue turquoise stones were inset in the forehead and bodies of the dragons and cinnabar/vermillion pigment was inset in the eyes of all seven dragons. The other gold items discovered on the Korean Peninsula featuring inset red pigment have mainly been excavated from sites related to Baekje royalty. Further research into this point could produce informative results. The results of this study are significant in two aspects. First, it provided basic information central to identifying the provenance of the gold buckle, which has still not been categorically determined. With the accumulation of research materials on metalworking techniques in the region where it is hypothesized the gold buckle was created and further scientific analysis of buckles of similar types, it is anticipated that the place of production of the Seogam-ri gold buckle can eventually be clearly identified. Second, it has been confirmed that the copper diffusion method was used for bonding the gold granules on the gold buckle. The same method has been found in gold ornaments excavated in Mongolia, which can be applied as objective material for investigating where the gold buckle was made.
January 2019, vol.13, pp.104-127 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2019.v13_07
The standing Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (甘山寺) currently displayed in the Buddhist Sculpture Gallery of the National Museum of Korea, respectively designated as National Treasures No. 81 and No. 82, are well-known works of ancient Korean Buddhist art and hold great significance in Korean art and history. One of the primary obstacles to studying ancient Korean Buddhist sculpture from the Three Kingdoms (57 BCE–668) to Unified Silla (統一新羅, 668–935) periods is that most extant examples lack inscriptions or relevant documents indicating their date of production or their creators. However, these statues from Gamsansa Temple feature inscriptions on the back of their nimbuses that help identify the date of production, commissioner, and motive for their creation (Figs. 1 and 1-2). The content of the inscriptions relate that an individual named Kim Jiseong commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and enshrined the statues of Maitreya and Amitabha there in 719 as a prayer for the souls of his deceased parents. The inscriptions on the statues had been partially known since extracts from them are included in the Samguk yusa (三國遺事, Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms) compiled by Monk Ilyeon (一然, 1206–1289) during the Goryeo (高麗, 918–1392) period.1 The details of the inscriptions became more completely known with the discovery of the two statues in 1915. These two statues have been subjects for research in diverse fields (e.g., history, art history, epigraphy) for more than a century since they are rare surviving examples that bear inscriptions coinciding with historical records and they provide style benchmarks for dating Buddhist statues from the Unified Silla period. Fig. 1. Statues of Bodhisattva Maitreya and Amitabha from Gamsansa Temple. Unified Silla, 719. Height: 270 cm (left), 275 cm (right). National Treasure Nos. 81 and 82. National Museum of Korea. Bongwan 1958 and 1959 Fig. 1-1. Statues from Gamsansa Temple (back) The full inscriptions of the two statues were first presented in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (朝鮮金石總覽, Comprehensive survey of epigraphs of Joseon) published by the Government-General of Korea (朝鮮總督府) in 1919 during the Japanese colonial period. They have since been modified or complemented by later epigraphic studies and related essays.2 However, the inscriptions have been worn down over the centuries and some characters are illegible using the naked eye. Rubbings of the inscriptions also fail to provide sufficiently precise information on the original inscriptions. This has constrained the study of the inscriptions and led to subtle differences in interpretations of the inscriptions and varying opinions on the dating of these two statues. Against this backdrop, the National Museum of Korea decided to employ reflectance transformation imaging (RTI) to obtain basic materials for research using methods that ensure the integrity of the two statues while improving the identification of the original inscriptions.3 RTI is a rather new approach in Korea, but it has been previously used in Western institutions to decipher inscriptions by photographing an object under different lighting conditions. By processing the RTI outputs and observing them through appropriate software, inscriptions illegible to the naked eye can more easily be identified. The National Museum of Korea conducted the RTI to identify the inscriptions on the Gamsansa statues in 2012 and 2013. This paper examines the outcomes from the 2013 RTI investigation and presents details on the RTI method as applied.4 Overview of the Statues from Gamsansa Temple Before discussing the identified inscriptions, it is necessary to examine their content, the sculptural styles of the statues, and the related academic issues. According to the inscriptions on the nimbuses of both statues, a Silla official named Kim Jiseong (金志誠, b. 652) of the jungachan (重阿湌) grade commissioned the construction of Gamsansa Temple and the production of the statues of Amitabha and Maitreya on his private lands on the fifteenth day of the second month of the gimy (己未) year during the Kaiyuan era (開元, 713–741), the early half of the reign of Emperor Xuanzong (玄宗, r. 712–756) of the Tang dynasty (唐, 618–907). This corresponds to 719, the eighteenth year of the reign of King Seongdeok (聖德王, r. 702–737). This project was undertaken to offer prayers for his deceased father Injang (仁章), who was an ilgilchan (一吉湌)-grade official, and his deceased mother, named Gwanchori (觀肖里). It was initiated on the day of the year on which Shakyamuni is believed to have entered nirvana (the fifteenth day of the second month). Kim Jiseong served in several posts before becoming Sirang (侍郞, vice-minister) at the Jipsabu (執事部, State Secretariat). Some previous studies have suggested that Kim Jiseong visited Tang China as a member of the Silla mission to the Tang dynasty known as the Gyeondangsa (遣唐史) in 705, the fourth year of the reign of King Seongdeok.5 After retirement at the age of 67 in 716, he resided in a rural village where he pursued a Taoist way of life free from worldly concerns, as suggested by Laozi (老子) and Zhuangzi (莊子). However, he also studied Buddhist dharma by reading the Yogacarabhumi Sastra (瑜伽師地論, Discourse on the stages of yogic practice) by Asanga (fl. fourth century CE), also known as Wuzhuo (無著) in China and Muchak in Korea, as well as other Buddhist scriptures. In 719, Kim commissioned Gamsansa Temple on his lands to offer prayers for his deceased parents and other family members as well as for a high-ranking official close to him. He died one year later in 720. The final portion of the inscription on the Maitreya statue reads that Kim scattered the ashes of his mother, who died at the age of sixty-six, in Heunji on the east coast of Korea. The inscription on the Amitabha statue tells that the ashes of Kim’s father, who died at the age of forty-seven, had been scattered at the same spot. This indicates that Kim Jiseong commissioned the Maitreya statue for his deceased mother and the Amitabha statue for his deceased father. Kim’s prayers inscribed on the statues deliver his wishes that the king live a long and happy life. He also prays that his brothers and sisters, former and present wives, his brother born to a different mother, the ichan (二湌)-grade official Gaewon (愷元, dates unknown), and all human beings in the universe may rise above the world and attain Buddhahood. Monk Ilyeon’s Samguk yusa presents extracts from the inscriptions, including the year the statues were erected, the patron of the statues, and the subjects of the prayers, but it leaves out any mention of the personal history of Kim Jiseong. However, discrepancies in the names of certain people appear in the two inscriptions, and they include expressions that may cause readers to confuse the subjects of the prayers with the person offering them (Kang Jonghun 2011, 20). Regarding the names, the patron is indicated as “金志誠” (Kim Jiseong) on the Maitreya statue and as “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) on the Amitabha statue. The name of Kim’s brother is written “良誠” (Yangseong) on the Maitreya statue and “梁誠” (Yangseong) on the Amitabha statue, while the name of his sister appears as “古巴里” (Gopari) on the Maitreya statue but as “古寶里” (Gobori) on the Amitabha statue. These inconsistencies indicate that different Chinese characters were used to transcribe a particular phoneme, and also raise the possibility that the two inscriptions were carved by a different person. Meanwhile, the inscription on the Maitreya statue includes the expression “Disciple Jiseong,” addressing Kim Jiseong in a modest manner, while the corresponding portion in the inscription on the Amitabha statue refers to Kim Jiseong as “Jungachan Kim Jijeon,” a more respectful manner of address. In addition, in the middle of the Amitabha statue inscription, it is recorded that the text was authored by a nama (奈麻)-grade official named Chong (聰) and the calligraphy was performed by Monk Gyeongyung (京融) and a daesa (大舍)-grade official named Kim Chwiwon (金驟源). At the end of the same text it is recorded that Kim died on April 22, 720. In view of the above, it is assumed that the Maitreya statue was completed while Kim was alive and its inscription thus reflects his own narrative, while the inscription on the Amitabha statue was written by the nama-grade official Chong following the king’s commands after the death of Kim Jiseong. The disparities in the inscriptions suggest the possibility that they were written by different people and that the text on the Amitabha statue was carved at a later point in time. Any reexamination of the two inscriptions therefore requires a comparison of the calligraphy style and other factors in addition to the identification of the inscribed characters. Despite the differences in the styles of the inscriptions, the two statues from Gamsansa Temple do not differ greatly in terms of sculptural elements, and therefore are presumed to have been created around the same time. They are considered masterpieces of ancient Korean sculpture as they reflect the stylistic development of the eighth-century Buddhist sculpture of Unified Silla. They feature large, puffy eyes and the wide, flat face prevalent in Buddhist sculpture from the preceding Three Kingdoms period (Figs. 1-2 and 1-3). Their scale provides an impression of both massiveness and stillness. As objects of worship, the faces of the statues are elaborately carved; however, their bodies are flat as if they were closely attached to the nimbuses. They do not show the dynamic expressions of the body found in the sculptures associated with Seokguram Grotto (石窟庵) from the mid-eighth century that emphasize the volume and three-dimensionality of the figures. This may be because their hands and arms do not stretch out, but instead adhere to the body as if being impeded by a transparent barrier. However, the sculptor(s) of the two statues must have been aware of the style that was becoming the vogue in East Asia and accordingly reflected stylistic developments in his (or their) creations. Fig. 1-2. Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-3. Amitabha statue (detail) The Maitreya statue from Gamsansa Temple is renowned for its exotic and lavish accessories; the bodhisattva wears a crown decorated with jewels while two necklaces and a shawl drape across the chest and arms (Fig. 1-2). The accessories on the arms and the beads on the skirt are carved in a sophisticated manner. The main features of this Maitreya statue, including its accessories, cloth, manner of dress, and pose, can be found in the Tang dynasty Eleven-faced Avalokiteshvara statue from Baoqingsi (寶慶寺) Temple in Xian, China and the statue of the same bodhisattva at Horyuji Temple (法隆寺) in Japan.6 This indicates that the sculptor of this Maitreya statue was aware of the image of a bodhisattva with voluptuous body and lavish adornment that was circulating widely at the time in East Asia and tried to embody it in this work. However, the Gamsansa example differs from most other Maitreya images in terms of iconography and style in that it is standing while Maitreya is usually represented as seated, and in that it has an image of Amitabha Buddha on its crown, similar to an Avalokiteshvara image.7 The Amitabha statue reveals the outlines of its body through the tightly adhered robe drooping from the shoulders to the feet. The wave-like drapery lines are repeated in a symmetrical manner that emphasizes the volume and the protruding or flat surfaces of the statue (Fig. 1-3). Examples of a similar style include the sandstone standing Buddha statue at the Gyeongju National Museum, the standing Buddha statue carved in the south side of a rock at the Gulbulsa Temple (掘佛寺) site, and other gilt-bronze Buddha statues. The origins of the style can be found in Tang-period Buddhist statues influenced by sculpture from the Gupta period of India (Kim Lena 1989, 206–238). It is thought that Chinese Buddhist monks made pilgrimages to sacred Buddhist sites in India and brought Indian Buddhist statues back to China where the styles in the statues they observed were emulated and eventually transmitted to Unified Silla. The Amitabha statue from Gamsansa Temple does not accentuate three-dimensionality to the same degree as do most Silla Buddhist statues from the mid-eighth century, but it does demonstrate an artistic attempt to adopt the era’s emerging trend of imbuing sculptures with an ample sense of volume, dynamism, and realism. The Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple differ in the form of their nimbuses and pedestals. The nimbus and body of the Maitreya statue were made separately from the pedestal and then set into it, while the nimbus, body, and upper part of the pedestal of the Amitabha statue were carved together out of the same stone and then placed on the lower portion of the pedestal (Figs. 1-4 and 1-5). These structural differences, along with the discrepancies in the inscriptions, can be viewed as evidence that the two statues were not produced around the same time.8 However, they are the result of differences in size and nature of the stone and production methods involved and cannot be considered determinant factors for dating the two statues to different periods. It is therefore generally believed that the two statues were produced around the same time, despite the discrepancies in the content and style of the inscriptions and the possibility that the inscription on the Amitabha statue might have been carved at a later point after the death of Kim Jiseong. Fig. 1-4. Pedestal of the Maitreya statue (detail) Fig. 1-5. Pedestal of the Amitabha statue (detail) Several opinions have been expressed concerning the motive for enshrining the two statues at Gamsansa Temple. Some focus on the influence of the Beopsangjong (法相宗) sect of Buddhism, while others relate it to trends in contemporaneous Chinese Buddhist art or Kim Jiseong’s personal piety and visual experiences.9 Precisely where in the temple the statues were enshrined is also a matter of controversy. The Samguk yusa records that the Maitreya statue was placed in the Geumdang (金堂), the main hall of the temple, but it makes no mention of the location of the Amitabha statue. Therefore, one group of scholars argues that the two statues were enshrined separately (with the Amitabha statue placed in the lecture hall), while another opinion purports that they were enshrined together in the same hall.10 This issue remains a matter of debate and requires further study from diverse perspectives drawing upon the RTI results. Newly Identified Characters The RTI results allowed the identification of the content of the inscriptions on the statues from Gamsansa Temple and provide valuable information on the background of the creation of the statues. They also complement previous studies. Significant findings from the RTI include the exact number of inscribed characters and newly identified characters (In this article, “characters” refers to “classical Chinese characters”). Previously, it was believed that 381 characters were inscribed on the Maitreya statue and 392 characters on the Amitabha statue. The back of the Maitreya statue has a grid of lines with intervals between 4.3 centimeters and 4.5 centimeters both lengthwise and widthwise. A Chinese character is inscribed within each of the sections formed by this grid. However, these lines only barely remain on the Amitabha statue. The 2012 RTI revealed that the Maitreya statue has 381 characters and the Amitabha statue has 389 characters, three less than previously believed. It was found that the final three characters that had been presumed to exist are actually absent from line 17 of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. The Joseon geumseok chongnam and all other later publications assumed that the inscription on the Amitabha statue would have 392 characters since the inscription generally begins and ends in the same row. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue was thus assumed to have three more characters at its end than are actually present. Also, when considering the content, having the three Chinese characters “書奉敎” meaning “writing upon command” would have conformed to the convention of revealing the name of the calligrapher (Katsuragi Sueji 1935, 208–209). However, the RTI found no evidence that any character had been inscribed at the corner of the nimbus where these final three characters for line 17 would have been expected to exist. When compared with nearby portions with inscribed characters, there was no trace of a character having disappeared due to abrasion, and it became clear that no character had ever been inscribed in this space (Fig. 2). A comparison with other blank spaces between characters in the inscription provides further evidence that there were no characters at the end of line 17 from the beginning (Fig. 3). Why these final three characters were never included has yet to be understood, and further in-depth study should be pursued. Fig. 2. Line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 3. Line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue The RTI on the Maitreya statue identified the same number of characters as previously believed, but it found that the Chinese characters “六” and “十,” the second and third characters in line 22, were carved together in a single section instead of separately (Fig. 4). This can be verified by comparing the space for these two characters with that for a single character. Fig. 4. Line 22 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue This RTI also allowed the clear identification of characters that had been indistinct and consequently fueled controversy. In the Amitabha statue, the sixteenth character in line 20 was found to be “六” (Fig. 5). Two opinions had existed regarding this character: some saw it as “六” (six) and related to the age of Kim Jiseong,11 while another theory proposed later suggested it to be “在” and forming part of the phrase “歲在十九,” meaning the nineteenth year of King Seongdeok’s reign (Moon Myungdae 2003, 91–92; Kim Yeongmi 1988, 374). Since the character could in fact be clearly identified as “六” and the phrase to be “歲六十九,” it is confirmed that Kim Jiseong died at the age of sixty-nine. The fourteenth character of line 21 was identified as “賜” (Fig. 6). In the case of the Maitreya statue, the RTI clarified the shapes of two previously unidentified characters, the tenth character in line 19 and the sixth character in line 20 (Figs. 7 and 8). Fig. 5. Sixteenth character “六” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 6. Fourteenth character “賜” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 7. Tenth character in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 8. Sixth character in line 20 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue According to these RTI results, two characters in the Maitreya statue had been misinterpreted and the existing understanding had to be modified accordingly. The Chinese character “閒” (free; leisurely) in line 9, which had formerly been believed to be part of the expression “閒野,” meaning “sequestered rural area,” was actually identified to be “閑,” but still conveying the same meaning. This character was described as “閒” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam and other later publications on epigraphy (Fig. 9). The ninth character in line 19, previously understood to be “誠” (truly), was identified as “城” (fortress). Therefore, the existing interpretation of this line, which mistook “fortress” for “truly,” should be changed as follows: “even if the stones that built the fortress (wall) might all disappear.”12 In most papers and relevant publications, Amitabha in line 3 is transcribed as “阿彌陀,” but the third character is actually “陁” instead of “陀,” as recorded in the Joseon geumseok chongnam (Fig. 10). The first character in line 15, previously considered “休,” is now thought to be “烋” as there is another character under “休” (Fig. 11). The character “无” in line 15 is recorded as “旡” in the Joseon geumseok chongnam, but the actual character is “无,” as cited in most publications (Fig. 12). Fig. 9. “閑野” in line 9 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 10. “城” in line 19 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 11. “陁” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 12. “烋” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue In the Amitabha statue, “疏” in line 8 has been one of the more controversial characters. It has been presumed to be “踈,” “疎,” or “綀,” but considering the meaning of the text, it is likely to be a simplified version of “疏” (Fig. 13). Through the RTI, the eighth character in line 21 was identified as “卄” instead of “廿” (Fig. 14). The phrase “東海攸友邊散之” in lines 18 and 19, which was cited in the Samguk yusa, was identified as “東海欣支邊散也” (Figs. 15 through 17).13 It is likely that Ilyeon mistook “攸友” for “欣支” in the original inscription or that “欣支” was mistakenly engraved when making a print for the Samguk yusa. Fig. 13. “无” in line 15 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 14. “疏” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha 111 statue Fig. 15. “卄” in line 21 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 16. “東海” in line 18 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 17. “欣支” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 18. “邊散” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Simplified Characters and Variant Characters The RTI found frequent use of simplified characters in a semi-cursive or cursive script and variant characters in the inscriptions of the Maitreya and Amitabha statues from Gamsansa Temple (Figs. 19 through 33). Overall, the Maitreya statue shows a large number of simplified characters. For example, “無” (none; lack) is inscribed in its simplified version in line 4, and its variant form “无” also appears in the inscription. As the original version “無” is used when referring to the name of a monk “無着,” three versions of the same character were used within a single inscription. Simplified characters were rarely used in either inscription for the names of people, such as Kim Jiseong (金志城) and Muchak (無著), but in line 5 of the Maitreya statue’s inscription, the characters “志誠” referring to Jiseong are slightly scrawled. Fig. 19. “爲” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 20. “章” in line 2 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 21. “所” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 22. “彌” in line 3 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 23. “盖” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 24. “能” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 25. “寂” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 26. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 27. “號” in line 5 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 28. “願” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 29. “班” in line 6 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 30. “憲” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 31. “遙” in line 8 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 32. “罄” in line 12 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 33. “聰” in line 17 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Table 1. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Maitreya statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 2 爲, 章 12 劇, 務, 無, 罄 3 所, 彌 13 誠, 資, 願, 以, 此, 微, 誠 4 盖, 能, 寂, 無 14 壽, 鴻 5 所, 以, 號 15 果 6 願, 誠, 於, 歷, 班 16 弟 7 無, 以, 免, 於, 刑, 憲, 性, 諧, 水, 慕 17 兼, 庶, 聰 8 遙, 志, 眞, 宗, 希, 寂, 六 18 肹, 衆 9 事, 於, 遂, 閑, 閱 19 號, 縱, 願 10 七 20 尊, 無, 願 11 尋, 復, 降, 於 21 願, 庶, 同, 因, 肖 22 支 Table 2. Simplified or variant characters in the inscription of the Amitabha statue Line Simplified or variant characters Line Simplified or variant characters 1 若, 跡 12 弟, 考 2 於, 及, 遂 13 爲 3 影, 以, 葉, 發, 龍 14 彌, 軀, 願 4 爾 15 六, 並 6 以 17 融 7 御, 雞, 事, 六 18 章 8 辭 19 支, 散, 後 9 兼 20 業, 六 10 爲, 號 21 庚, 長, 爲 11 無, 過, 爲 The inscription on the Amitabha statue also includes simplified and variant characters, but in smaller numbers compared to the inscription on the Maitreya statue (Figs. 34 through 43). Fig. 34. “發” in line 3 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 35. “爾” in line 4 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 36. “雞” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 37. “辭” in line 8 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 38. “兼” in line 9 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 39. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 40. “過” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 41. “考” in line 12 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 42. “願” in line 14 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 43. “後” in line 19 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Style of Calligraphy The inscription on the Maitreya statue and that on the Amitabha statue differ in many respects, which fuels the supposition that the inscriptions of the two statues might not have been produced around the same time. According to the RTI results, each inscription features a distinct style of calligraphy. The inscription on the Maitreya statue has generally flowing calligraphy, probably because of the frequent use of simplified characters. The inscription on the Amitabha statue applies a smaller number of simplified characters and includes many characters with angular edges. The term “山水,” meaning “mountain and water,” was inscribed using simplified characters in semi-cursive or cursive script on the Maitreya statue, but it was rendered in regular script using sharp-edged characters on the Amitabha statue (Figs. 44 and 45). Interestingly, the simplified form of the same character “無” looks different in each inscription (Figs. 46 and 47), indicating that the calligraphy for the two inscriptions was executed by different persons, regardless of whether they date to different periods. The differences in calligraphic style are not sufficient to prove that these two statues sharing a similar sculptural style were produced in different periods and require further study since there are cases of epigraphs being inscribed later on existing steles. Fig. 44. “山水” in line 7 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 45. “山水” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 46. “無” in line 4 of the inscription on the Maitreya statue Fig. 47. “無” in line 11 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Another important issue regarding the inscriptions is whether certain lines on the Amitabha statue were inscribed later than others. An analysis of the calligraphic style revealed that lines 1 to 15 differ from lines 16 to 21. For example, “金志全” (Kim Jijeon) appears in line 5 and line 20. The strokes of the characters are rather long in the former but relatively short in the latter (Figs. 48 and 49). The same features can be found when comparing the character “奉” in line 7 with the version in line 17 (Figs. 50 and 51). Most of the characters in lines 1 to 15 show relatively long strokes. The inscriptions are carved on the curved surface of both edges of the two statues. As shown in Figs. 52 and 53, the first two to three lines in both statues are inscribed on the curved surface on the right side and the final six to seven lines on the curved surface on the left side. Fig. 48. “金志全” in line 5 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 49. “金志全” in line 20 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 50. “奉” in line 7 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 51. “奉” in line 17 of the inscription on the Amitabha statue Fig. 52. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Amitabha statue Fig. 53. Layout of the inscription on the back of the Maitreya statue In the case of the Amitabha statue, the lines are indented starting from line 16, probably due to limitations on space. Line 16 starts parallel with the sixth character of line 15 and the lines after it also have an indentation of five spaces (See the inscription on the Amitabha statue at the end of this main text). This contrasts with line 3 on the same statue and lines 3 and 16 of the Maitreya statue, since they are inscribed even on the edges as well as on the back of the nimbuses, probably in order to start on a level with the first character of the preceding line. In sum, lines 1 to 15 and lines 16 to 21 differ in terms of calligraphic style and indentation. The calligraphy of the inscriptions on the two statues can be classified by style into the following three groups: Sides A, B, and C of the Maitreya statue; sides D and E of the Amitabha statue; and side F of the Amitabha statue. However, such differences in the style of the calligraphy cannot be automatically interpreted as evidence of the later addition of the final lines of the Amitabha statue’s inscription. Whether it was the plan from the beginning to employ a different calligrapher for the final seven lines or to leave space for additional lines in the future should be studied through a comparison with similar or other relevant cases.14 In mentioning a person’s age, the Chinese character “年,” meaning “year,” was used in both statues, as in the case of “年六十六” (year sixty-six) and “年卌七” (year forty-seven). Only on side F of the Amitabha statue, which contains the final portion of the inscription, is the character “歲” (meaning “age”) used to refer to the age of Kim Jiseong in “歲六十九” (age sixty-nine). This suggests the possibility that the inscription on side F might have been added later.15 Abrasion on the Inscriptions The RTI analysis provided useful information beyond the identification of individual characters. It was meaningful for ascertaining the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions, which is expected to provide clues for determining the original location of the two statues within the temple. It is believed that the Maitreya statue was enshrined in the Geumdang, the hall housing the main buddha at the time Ilyeon wrote the Samguk yusa. However, the surviving documents fail to reveal whether the two statues were enshrined together or separately. According to the RTI results, the sides of the nimbuses of both statues are more severely worn than are their backs, which made it difficult to decipher the inscriptions on these sides. Even on the back, the characters at the top and those at bottom showed different degrees of abrasion, with the former more severely degraded in both statues. The characters at the bottom were relatively well preserved and allowed easier identification. In the Maitreya statue, each line of the inscription includes eighteen characters, and the inscription shows less damage from the eleventh or twelfth character in each line. In the Amitabha statue, where the inscription has twenty-one characters per line, it is relatively well preserved from the twelfth or thirteenth to the last character. Since the Amitabha statue is slightly larger than the Maitreya statue and its inscription is carved longer vertically, it is likely that the abrasion weakens from a similar point in each statue. Given this, it is probable that the two statues stood nearby at the time of their discovery, or at least for a long period prior to their discovery, and their lower portions were buried to a similar depth. The manner in which the statues were enshrined requires further research from a variety of perspectives, but the degree of abrasion on the inscriptions provides significant information on the statues that is not available in the pertinent literature. Interestingly, analysis of the RTI results found that the inscriptions were more easily deciphered when the light was cast from the right side rather than from the left. This relates to the correlation between the angle of the lighting and the shadow and indicates the possibility that the engraving tool might have inclined slightly toward the left when carving the inscriptions. With results that allow the minute detection of detailed features of each stroke of the calligraphy, the RTI has provided a new source of data that complements the rubbings of the past. RTI has limitations, however, since it is not effective for deciphering all types of epigraphic materials and it produces differing results according to the degree of abrasion and the nature of the material on which an inscription is carved. In the case of the two statues from Gamsansa Temple, the inscriptions on the top and both sides proved relatively difficult to decipher. It should also be noted that the complexity of deciphering the results can vary according to when, how, and by whom the RTI is conducted. In this light, RTI results and rubbed copies should be used in tandem when studying inscriptions. Rubbings of the Inscription In 2012 and 2013, in tandem with the RTI analysis, the existing rubbings of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions were reexamined and made public. The Japanese Government-General of Korea conducted extensive research on historical relics in Korea and is therefore likely to have produced and utilized considerable quantities of epigraphic materials. The rubbed copies of the Gamsansa statues’ inscriptions in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which have long been ignored, are assumed to be the outcomes of or materials from such research projects. Most of the known examples of rubbings of the statues from Gamsansa Temple at the National Museum of Korea originated in the collection of the Museum of the Japanese Government-General of Korea and feature the inscriptions of these Amitabha and Maitreya statues. These include copies of the inscriptions on the two statues acquired in 1916 (Bongwan 1197; Figs. 54 and 55), two copies of the inscription on the Maitreya statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6862; Figs. 56 and 57), and two copies of the inscription on the Amitabha statue purchased in 1919 (Bongwan 6861; Figs. 58 and 59). Among the many rubbed copies acquired in 1916, the Bongwan 1197 copy has relatively high readability and is likely to have been used as materials for the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. The other four copies show poorer readability and may be unrelated to the Joseon geumseok chongnam in that they were purchased materials and entered the museum collection in 1919 after the completion of the compilation of the Joseon geumseok chongnam. However, it is also possible that multiple rubbings were made during the research process and they were later purchased to complement existing materials. This matter requires further study. Fig. 54. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 117.2 x 133.8 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 55. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 117.4 x 118.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 1197) Fig. 56. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 98.5 x 95.6 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-1) Fig. 57. Rubbing of the inscription on the Maitreya statue. 100.3 x 100.3 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6862, 2-2) Fig. 58. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 115.3 x 107.5 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-1) Fig. 59. Rubbing of the inscription on the Amitabha statue. 114.5 x 105.9 cm. National Museum of Korea (Bongwan 6861, 2-2) Conclusion RTI is a useful imaging technique for collecting data on inscriptions without taking rubbings of cultural relics. The RTI conducted in 2012 and 2013 on the statues from Gamsansa Temple revealed that the inscription on the Maitreya statue has 381 characters while that on the Amitabha statue has 389 characters. It also allowed the identification of characters that had remained unclear (e.g., 六 in line 20 and 賜 in line 21 of the Amitabha inscription), the correction of characters that had been interpreted erroneously (e.g., 閑, 烋, 城), and the classification of types of simplified characters used in the inscriptions. Consequently, Kim Jiseong’s age at the time of his death could be determined, the controversy over some of the unclear characters closed, and the existing interpretation improved. Another meaningful outcome of the RTI is that three different types of calligraphy used in the inscriptions and their location on the nimbuses could be identified. All of these findings, together with the existing rubbed copies, are expected to serve as basic material for the study of the statues from Gamsansa Temple so as to pinpoint their year of production and determine whether some parts of the inscriptions were added later.16 In addition, the degree of abrasion on the statues and their inscriptions will also provide useful information for investigating how the statues were enshrined in the temple. Inscription on the Maitreya Statue from Gamsansa Temple Inscription on the Amitabha Statue from Gamsansa Temple
January 2018, vol.12, pp.114-127 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2018.v12_08
A pair of white birch bark mudguard flaps featuring a now-famous image of a heavenly horse was discovered in 1973 during the excavation of Cheonmachong Tomb (Cultural Heritage Management Bureau, 1974). These flaps, which were likely applied as saddle attachments, were designated National Treasure No. 207 in 1974. Cheonmachong Tomb is a royal tomb located in Gyeongju, the capital of the Silla Kingdom. Originating in the southeast corner of the Korean Peninsula, the ancient kingdom of Silla endured for 992 years from 57 BCE to 935 CE. It is known that Cheonmachong Tomb was constructed in the early sixth century, but the identity of its occupant remains a mystery. Mudguard flaps are used to keep a rider’s garments clean and protect the rider from injury. They also help to prevent harm to the horse from the stirrups. Mudguard flaps were valuable objects that were included among prestige or grave goods by the Silla royalty and aristocracy, as evidenced by their discovery in Cheonmachong Tomb and Geumryeongchong Tomb (Chang Youngjoon 2015a, 62-73). However, the study of mudguard flaps (and particularly of their production process) has been limited due to the minimal number of related finds. The image featured on the mudguard flaps from Cheonmachong Tomb, on the other hand, has been intensively examined (Moon Gyeonghyun 2006, 1-38; Lee Songran 2002, 71-106; Lee Jaejoong 1991; 1994, 5-41; 2000, 23-59; 2002, 423-441), and it can now be identified with confidence as portraying a heavenly horse and not a Chimera Qilin (Chang Yongjoon 2015b, 74-95). Little is known about the mudguard flaps from Cheonmachong Tomb apart from the fact that they were made from the bark of a white birch tree and that they feature a painted image. The flaps were found with one on top of the other. The heavenly horse image widely known among the public comes from the flap placed beneath. This lower flap was in a relatively good state of preservation since it had been protected by the flap on top. Conservation work had not previously been performed on this upper flap, but it was undertaken in preparation for the “Cheonmachong, a royal tomb of Silla” Special Exhibition organized by Gyeongju National Museum in 2014 and for the publication of Mudguards with Heavenly Horse Design from the Cheonmachong Tomb of Silla in 2015. This provided an opportunity for the study of the production method of both the upper flap and lower flap to take place. This paper intends to examine the characteristics of the white birch bark used in the flaps in order to explore how mudguard flaps were manufactured during the Silla period. The dating of the wood that provided the bark will also be considered. Various experimental and observational methods were applied to establish how the mudguard panels were made and to identify any differences that may exist between the images on the respective flaps. Three-dimensional scanning technology was also utilized in order to reconstruct how the mudguard flaps would have appeared at the time of their manufacture. Mudguard Panel Dimensions and Materials The two flaps are respectively referred to as the upper flap and the lower flap (Figs. 1–6) according to their position at the time of discovery. Each mudguard flap was made using three pieces of bark (one large and two small pieces). Fig. 1. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (upper flap). Silla. Bark. Gyeongju National Museum Collection Fig. 2. Infrared photo of the upper flap Fig. 3. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (lower flap). Silla. Bark. Gyeongju National Museum Collection Fig. 4. Infrared photo of the lower flap Fig. 5. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (upper flap) Fig. 6. White birch bark mudguard flap from Cheonmachong Tomb (lower flap); The mudguard flap featuring a heavenly horse image widely known in Korea Mudguard Flap Panel Dimensions The front panels of both the upper and lower flap were each made from a single piece of bark. The back panels, in contrast, were made by connecting two pieces of bark, each of which was slightly larger than one-half of the front panel piece. The measurements for the panel pieces differ according to the point being measured, but the general dimensions are as follows. The front panel of the upper flap, in its extant state, measures 73.4×54.7 centimeters. The back panel measures 72.6×52.6 centimeters. Of the two pieces forming the back panel, the left is 44×52 centimeters, and the right is 54.5×38.4 centimeters. The thickness of the front and back panels of the upper flap combined is 4–8 centimeters. The thickness of a given piece of bark can vary at different points due to the natural peeling of the surface or its intentional trimming during manufacture. The mudguard flap panels are irregularly shaped due to the shrinkage of the bark components, making it difficult to precisely measure their dimensions. However, measurements taken with a ruler and thread to accommodate the curved surfaces of the bark make it possible to estimate that the mudguard flap would have been 75.0 centimeters high, 56.8 centimeters wide, and 0.81 centimeters thick at the time of its production, slightly larger than its current size. The thickness of the front and back panels attached together is approximately 4.5 millimeters. However, at its thickest point, along a vertical line through center, the flap measured approximately 7–8 millimeters. This is the area where the two bark pieces forming the back panel overlap so the flap consists of three sheets of bark. The front panel of the lower flap measures 73.2×55.2 centimeters in its present state. The left and right bark pieces forming the back panels measure 39.1×52.4 centimeters and 39.5×52.6 centimeters, respectively. The combined thickness of the front and back panels of the lower flap measures around 4–8 millimeters, varying at different points as in the case of the upper flap. It is estimated that the mudguard flap would have been 74.2 centimeters high, 56.0 centimeters wide, and 0.8 centimeters thick at the time of its production. Based on the above, it can be established that the two mudguard flaps were similar in size at the time of their manufacture. Mudguard Flap Materials and Characteristics In the excavation report for Cheonmachong Tomb, the mudguard flap was identified as having been made from the bark of a white birch tree. The surface of a tree is conventionally covered by an outer and an inner bark (also known as phloem) (Fig. 7). The inner bark is formed from live parenchyma cells that serve to transport and store photosynthates and are sometimes active in carbon fixation. The outer bark is made up of dead tissues or cork structures which serve to protect the inner bark.1 The bark panels of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps were made from the outer bark of a white birch tree (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Bark structure However, the outer bark used for the mudguard flap panels could not have been obtained from simply any convenient white birch tree. Ideally, bark should be obtained from a tree with a clean and even surface free from significant knots, as shown in Figure 8. Birch bark that peeled off in single or multiple layers, as birch bark characteristically tends to do, or that shows a dirty surface or an excess of knots would not have been suitable for crafting these mudguard flaps. Therefore, it can be surmised that few knots, limited peeling, and an absence of branches would have been important factors in selecting outer bark for the manufacture of the mudguard flaps. Fig. 8. The bark and knots of a birch tree (from a birch grove in Inje, Gangwon-do Province) (Photograph by the author in January 2004) Late April or early May when the sap is flowing is considered the best time to harvest the bark of a white birch tree. Outside of this season, it is impossible to obtain good quality outer bark from these trees. The clean state of the inner surface of the outer bark used in both of the mudguard flaps. The absence of traces of discharge from the inner bark indicate that the bark is likely to have been obtained during this sap flow period (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Method of detaching bark from a white birch tree It is also important to estimate the age of the tree that provided the bark for the mudguard flaps, which can be done through an examination of tree rings. The thickness of the outer bark differs according to the growth conditions experienced by the tree, but if it is assumed that a new ring is formed each year, a supposition can be made regarding the age of a white birch tree by examining the layers of the outer bark.2 The layers of the bark used in the mudguard flaps were counted through microscopic observation. The thickness differed at points due to the natural peeling of the bark layers or as a result of human actions performed while processing the bark for use. In the case of both mudguard flaps, the bark forming the front panels was thinner than the bark used for the back panels. The bark used in the front panel of the upper flap consisted of 34–36 layers, which indicates that the bark came from a white birch tree at least 36 years old. The bark used in the back panel showed 48–50 layers, indicating that the tree that provided the bark was at least 50 years old. In the case of the lower flap, the bark of the front panel consisted of at least 41 layers, and the thicker back panel consisted of at least 52 layers, thereby indicating respective minimum ages of 41 and 52 years old for the white birch trees that provided the bark. The bark used for the back panels was thicker than that for the front panels. The reason for this is unclear, but it could be that due to difficulty with obtaining bark of high quality for the front panels, the back panels were made using two pieces of bark. In this regard, using thicker bark would have enhanced the strength of the panels and their ease of manufacture. The likelihood of this requires further consideration. Production of the Mudguard Flaps Connecting the bark pieces for the front and back panels 1. Overlapping the bark pieces for the back panel The two bark pieces forming the back panel were connected before it was attached to the front panel (Figs. 10–12). Fig. 10. The back side of the front panel of the upper flap (outer surface of the outer bark) Fig. 11. The back side of the back panel of the upper flap (inner surface of the outer bark) Fig. 12. The back side of the back panel of the lower flap (inner surface of the outer bark); the patterns observed are an imprint of the saddle blanket that was found beneath the lower mudguard flap at the time of its discovery Processing the bark cannot entirely obscure the lenticels. Traces of them can clearly be seen on the surface of the bark used for the mudguard flaps. The front panel of the lower flap features lenticel traces running vertically, whereas the traces on the bark pieces forming the back panel run in a horizontal direction as they would have originally been oriented on the tree. In the case of the upper flap, the inner surface of the outer bark was used for the front panel. The back panel was formed by placing two overlapping bark pieces (with the right-hand piece partially covering the left), and the entire panel was then stitched together at even intervals (Fig. 10). The back panel for the lower flap was made from two overlapping outer bark pieces with the inner surface facing outwards; this formed the back of the mudguard flap. The two bark pieces overlap by approximately 4.5–5.5 centimeters, with the right piece partially covered by the left and the overlapping area loosely stitched together. A thread consisting of two strands of fibers, similar to that used to attach the front and back panels of the mudguard flap, was applied to stitch together one-third of this overlapping section. The remaining two-thirds of the overlapping section of the back panel was stitched together using a single-fiber thread. 2. Combining the front and back panels The bark used in the lower flap shows a greater number of traces of large knots compared to the upper flap. In particular, the back panel features larger knot traces, and the state of its surface is in a poorer condition compared to the front panel, possibly because the front side of the back panel would have been covered by the front panel and not exposed. It is the front side of the front panel, crafted from the inner surface of the outer bark, that features the painted image. If the bark surface had been left unworked, it would have been difficult to bind together two bark panels with their outer surfaces facing towards each other due to the uneven surfaces caused by knots. For this reason, the outer surfaces of the outer bark panels in both mudguard flaps were smoothed and flattened using a knife and other tools. Preventive measures were also taken to ensure that gaps did not appear between the two bark panels when they were bound together. It does not appear that any special adhesive was used when connecting the two pieces forming the back panel or when combining the front and back panels. In order to bind the two pieces more securely, the two panels were adjusted to ensure that their lenticels alternated (Figs. 11–12). A quilting method was used to combine the two bark pieces forming the back panel and the single bark piece forming the front panel. This establishes that the method of quilting using a running stich was applied 1,500 years ago. The stitching was performed by first carving grooved lines into the surface of the bark according to the intended final pattern. The width of the grooved lines was set so as to ensure that the threads did not protrude too much beyond the bark surface when the quilting had been completed. It is presumed that the grooves were cut into the surface using a metal tool such as a blunt knife. Given the thickness of the threads and the estimated size of the needle hole, it is also possible that the lines may have been established using the head of the needle. The stitching was executed at intervals of 0.2–0.4 centimeters. Each stitch is of a regular length (approximately 4 millimeters) and was made in a diagonal direction. Fourteen quilted lines run at an angle of approximately 45 degrees from the upper right to the lower left, and 15 quilted lines run from the upper left to the lower right. This is the case for both of the mudguard flaps. The stitching did not involve the prior punching of holes for the needle to pass through; the holes were made by the needle at the moment of stitching. This can be established based on the fact the holes were observed to have been punched in alternating directions (as can be seen from their shape), which is to be expected when using a running stitch (Fig. 13). The stitching technique can also be established based on the shape of the holes: The needle first pierced the panel in an upward direction and then in a downwards direction. Fig. 13. Sewing traces and direction as seen in the cross section of the mudguard flap Each section of the diamond-shaped pattern that was formed by the quilting tends to be around 6 centimeter long, although the lengths vary in between 5.5–6.0 centimeters. This level of regularity indicates that the intersecting intervals of the grooved lines for stitching were carefully measured beforehand. Efforts were made to follow the grooved lines when stitching, but there were instances in which it was not properly observed and stitches strayed from the line. The grooved lines would have marked the place where the needle was to have penetrated the bark panel. It can be observed from the lower flap that the direction of the stitches for the individual quilting lines could differ when required. The stitching directions in the upper flap and lower flap were found to vary (Figs. 14–15). In addition, there appears to have been no particular pattern to the knotting of the thread, as can be seen from the lower flap. It is possible to observe that the thread was knotted where it ran out or unexpectedly broke. Fig. 14. Stitching direction used when quilting together the front and back panels of the upper flap Fig. 15. Stitching direction used when quilting together the front and back panels of the lower flap; the dotted circles denote the points where the stitches end and new stitches begin Framing the mudguard flaps The mudguard flaps were bordered using leather on top and silk underneath. Different bordering techniques were used according to the material. 1. Underlying silk border The silk used to border the mudguard flaps was a strip approximately 1.2 centimeter wide in the upper flap and 1.3 centimeter wide for the lower flap. The silk used to border the edges was fixed in place with stitches at intervals of approximately 5 millimeters. The silk was stitched to both the front and back sides of the flaps. Attempts were made, sometimes unsuccessfully, to align the stitches in a straight line. Observation of the boundary between the silk border and leather border reveals that the silk was covered by leather, which indicates that the silk was attached first. The absence of paint traces along the perimeters of the panel covered by the borders indicates that the mudguard flaps were bordered prior to their painting. Several different types of fibers were used (Park Seungwon 2015, 194-201). In the case of the upper flap, a warp-faced compound woven silk (經錦) of combined construction, which is a figured cloth, and hemp were used. The woven silk for the back side of the upper flap is the same as that for the front. The silk covered an area 1.2 centimeter wide along the perimeters of the flap. The hemp thread is a loose right-twist thread. Decorative thread was also applied, as was the case for the front side of the flap. This yellow thread has an average diameter of 0.17 millimeters and is a loose right-twist thread. 2. Leather border The upper edge and sides of the mudguard flaps were additionally bordered with leather 2.5–2.7 centimeters in width attached by weaving a leather cord through pre-punched rectangular holes (Figs. 16–17). The leather cord was 3.7 millimeter wide and 1.3 millimeter thick. Fig. 16. Detail of the stitches and the treatment of the leather frame edges of the upper flap Fig. 17. The stitches and the treatment of the leather frame edges of the upper flap The paired perforations for the leather cord form sets approximately 3 millimeters apart. In the underlying silk border, the distance between two stitches ranged from 1.3–1.5 millimeters. The holes were found to be located in a relatively regular manner. The type of leather used could not be identified, but deer leather, which is supple and easy to manipulate, was often used for horse harnesses at the time. The upper perimeters of the mudguard flaps were bordered with leather due to the gap between the front and back white birch bark panels, which made additional measures necessary in order to obtain a single edge. In addition, the leather served to protect the perimeters of the mudguard flaps from wear during use. The leather border also prevented the surface of the white birch bark from peeling off, which it tends to do, and restricted the bark panels from warping with fluctuations in temperature and humidity. Finally, the leather border also served to enhance the ornamental quality of the mudguard flaps. The thickness of the front and back panels attached together would have been substantial enough to allow the mudguard flaps to serve a practical function. Production of the image 1. Marking out the composition of the image The area where the painting was to be made was marked onto the surface of the white birch bark using a pointed implement, such as a knife. The impressions can still be observed beneath the painted layer on the mudguard flap. Two types of incised lines guided the painting: those that divided the inner from the outer border of the mudguard flap and the grooved lines that guided the quilting stiches joining the front and back pieces. The grooved lines for the quilting stitches played an important role in structuring the composition of the painting. The front side of the mudguard flap, which had been formed by combining the front and back panels, was composed of the inner surface of the outer bark layer of a white birch tree. The painting was made on this side. The background of the painting is a light yellowish-orange color, which is close to the natural color of the inner surface of the outer bark of a white birch tree, and it is quilted throughout. Pigment analysis carried out on this background revealed that it had not been painted. It is believed that this unpainted background would have originally been lighter in shade. Such a light background color would have been ideal for successfully expressing the white color of the cheonma (天馬, heavenly horse). 2. Painting the image 1) Types of pigments Previous analysis of the mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting (瑞鳥圖彩畵版, seobongdochaewhapan) from Cheonmachong Tomb revealed the use of white, red, and black pigments. Traces of malachite, which produced a green color, were also found (Yoo Hyeseon and Shin Yongbi 2015, 202-205). No remains of pigments were observed on the background of the mudguard flaps, indicating that it had been left unpainted. Four pigments were used in the painting on the flap: white lead for white, cinnabar for red, black from an ink stick, and malachite for green. The red appearing in the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting was found to have been produced using a mixture of white lead (Pb) and cinnabar (Hg). In contrast, the red used in a horse-rider painting found in the tomb was produced by mixing iron oxide and lead. Similarities in the color composition and theme of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap paintings and the bird painting suggest that they were created using the same pigments. 2) Producing the image It had previously been believed that the surface onto which the heavenly horse images were painted was the outer surface of the outer bark of a white birch tree. However, it was possible to confirm that the surface was in fact the inner surface of the outer bark. The inner and outer surfaces of the outer bark could be distinguished through differences in the knots, lenticels, color, and state of the epidermis. The images were painted onto an inner surface in the case of both the upper and the lower flap. On the upper flap, attempts appear to have been made to avoid areas with knots while painting the images. Compared to the lower flap, the knots on the upper flap are smaller and less prominent. The lower flap, on the other hand, features relatively large knots, even on the front side where the image of the heavenly horse was produced. The rear portion of the horse is partially rendered over a knot. It is impossible to obtain birch bark strips that are entirely devoid of knots. However, the knots are less perceptible on the inner surface of the outer bark, resulting in a smoother surface. The inner surface of the outer bark also includes lenticels, but they are not highly visible through the painted surface and close inspection is required to identify them. The outer surface of the outer bark of the white birch tree requires treatment prior to painting since it tends to peel off in layers. This peeling can also occur naturally during the treatment, painting, and drying process. The inner surface of the outer bark, on the other hand, is smooth and of an even color, offering more favorable conditions for painting. The lenticels of white birch bark cannot be entirely erased, even when layers of bark are peeled away. A more advantageous base for rendering the painted image would have been obtained if the full surface of the bark panel had been treated with a background color, but this was not the case. In addition to the risk of the bark peeling, one possible reason for the lack of a background may have been considerations related to the pigments. One of the four colors employed was a white produced with white lead. This white pigment was used for the key image on the mudguard flap, the white heavenly horse, and the lotus flowers as well. This white heavenly horse could not have been properly expressed against a white surface on the birch bark. It is therefore possible to presume that the painter limited the use of white pigments to ensure that the white heavenly horse would provide the focus of interest. It is likely due to such considerations, along with the condition of the bark surface and the characteristics of the pigments, that the mudguard flap paintings were rendered onto the inner surface of the white birch bark. The painting sequence was as follows: peripheral images were produced first (this can be established based on the relationship between the hoof of the left foreleg and the right foreleg of the horse, and the peripheral lotus-flower patterns nearby), followed by the heavenly horse, and finally the four lotus buds featured within the lotus-flower pattern boundary. Black pigments were applied first in the painting of the lotus and arabesque pattern, followed by red and then by white. 3) Comparing the images of the upper and lower flap The two mudguard flaps each featuring an image of a heavenly horse were attached one at either side of the saddle. It is interesting to note that each horse was painted facing in the same direction, which would have meant that when the mudguard flaps were attached to the saddle, one of the horses would have faced forwards while the other faced backwards. In order to identity the differences between the two heavenly horses on the mudguard flaps, the two images were rendered in different colors and overlapped (Fig. 18). It can be observed that the two images are broadly similar in terms of composition. The interior space framed by the band of patterns running along the boundary of the flap features images of a heavenly horse, clouds, and lotus flowers. The peripheral band consists of lotus-flower and arabesque patterns, lotus-bud patterns, and mountain-shaped patterns. However, differences can be identified in terms of the detailed form and size of the patterns, as well as other factors. This merits further discussion. Fig. 18. Overlapped images of the paintings from the upper and lower mudguard flaps; the upper flap image is in blue and the lower flap image is in red Firstly, in the case of the heavenly horse image, both horses are similar in size but unique in terms of their detailed patterns. The horse on the upper flap has a somewhat slighter build, while the chest of the horse on the lower flap is expressed in a more voluptuous manner. The location and number of crescent shapes on the bodies of the horses are also similar. However, three locks of hair can be seen on the chest of the upper-flap horse, but not on the horse on the lower flap (Fig. 19). Fig. 19. Differences in the images of the upper and lower mudguard flaps In the case of the horse on the upper flap, the left leg is bent to nearly a right angle, whereas the left leg of the horse on the lower flap is bent further towards the body. In addition, the joints and hoofs of the upper-flap horse are expressed in a more angular manner. Various other minor discrepancies are apparent. Differences can also be identified in the location of the breath depicted as being expelled from the horses’ mouths. The ears of the horse on the lower flap are expressed in a clearer manner, and the mane decorations above the forehead are longer and rendered in a more dynamic style (Fig. 19-4). The tails are of a similar length, but their positions vary slightly (Fig. 19-7). There is one area where a noticeable distinction can be observed in the patterns: the fern-shaped expressions of condensation emanating from the horses’ bodies located between the rear leg and tail are curled in opposite directions (Fig. 19-8). It is between the lotus and arabesque patterns forming the peripheral bands of the mudguard flaps that the images diverge most significantly (Figs. 19-1, 19-2). The upper portion of the peripheral band of the upper flap consists of seven arabesque and lotus-flower sections, but only six are apparent in the lower flap. The starting positions of the arabesque and lotus-flower sections also differ: the lotus-flower section furthest to the left points upwards in the case of the lower flap, but downwards in the upper flap (Fig. 19-1). The lower portion of the peripheral band consists of an equal number of arabesque and lotus-flower sections (six each) in similar starting positions for both the upper and lower flap. Based on this fact, it is possible that both the upper and lower parts of the peripheral band had been intended to contain six arabesque and lotus-flower sections. Due to the slightly smaller size of the arabesque and lotus-flower motifs in the upper part of the peripheral band of the upper flap, an additional section had to be added in order to fill the gap in the band of patterns. The fact that the arabesque and lotus-flower section located second to the left on the upper part of the peripheral band of the upper flap is considerably smaller than the other sections provides evidence for this supposition. In addition, a single lotus bud can be found between the second- and third-left arabesque and lotus-flower sections in the lower flap, which is lacking in the upper flap (Fig. 19-1). As can be seen in section 9 in Figure 19, some of the lotus buds have their petals expressed while others do not. In the case of both mudguard flaps, the left portion of the peripheral band consists of four arabesque and lotus-flower sections. However, the uppermost flower faces to the left in the upper flap and to the right in the lower flap. The size of the individual arabesque and lotus-flower sections also differs: The sections of the lower flap are slightly larger than those of the upper. The right part of the peripheral band demonstrates the greatest degree of uniformity in terms of the number, size, and positioning of the arabesque and lotus-flower sections. The only difference is the unique addition of lotus buds on the left part of the peripheral band of the respective flaps. Based on the above, it can be considered unlikely that the images of the two flaps were produced by the same person. Clear differences can be seen in the detailed brushstrokes in the paintings and the techniques applied. However, it is difficult to know for certain whether the paintings referenced a common base sketch with the differences stemming from faulty execution. It would be expected that the appearance of the heavenly horse or the orientation of the peripheral band patterns would be the same if a base sketch had been referenced, but this is not the case. What is clear is that if both are copies of the same image, then one was a less-than-faithful reproduction. The attachment of horse ornaments The horse ornaments attached to the mudguard flaps are all heart-shaped. The existence of these horse ornaments was unknown before their discovery during the preservation and reconstruction process. The rings of the ornaments were made of iron covered with gilt bronze. The central portion of the ornaments includes a silver covered heart-shaped design to enhance their decorative function. Each mudguard flap featured a pair of ornaments that were attached at the final stage of production. Production of a replica of the mudguard flaps Three-dimensional scanning, infrared photography, X-ray photography, and observation with the naked eye were performed on the lower flap, which was relatively well preserved relative to the upper flap. These processes were used to craft a reproduction of the mudguard flap in its original state (Figs. 21–22). Fig. 20. Diagram of the production process of the mudguard flaps Fig. 21. Creation of polygon meshes Fig. 22. Polygon mesh of the mudguard flap information Firstly, due to the uncertainty surrounding the original shape of the mudguard flap (given that it may have warped after it was buried), a detailed measured drawing of the mudguard flap was first produced using a 3-D scanner, and precise measurements were made to enhance the accuracy of the reproduction. Three-dimensional scanning was accomplished using a VIVID 910 scanner. The production of artifact drawings using a 3-D scanner has been widely applied to various artifacts on display, and the resultant information on the dimensions and colors of artifacts can contribute of the establishment of a database on such information. Three-dimensional scanning can involve direct and indirect contact; the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flap underwent the latter. The data obtained through 3-D scanning can be directly accessed through a computer. If any of the resulting measurements or other types of data were unclear, the scanning was repeated. In the case of curved surfaces, the optical displacement measurement sensor was moved to a second position to scan and obtain measurements from an additional direction. Following the completion of the scanning, the data was edited using Rapidform software to create CAD models. The polygon meshes generated using Rapidform software were compared with the X-ray images, infrared photos, and RGB data to make minor adjustments to the measured drawing, resulting in the final version. This measured drawing was compared with the actual mudguard flap, and color and detailed characteristics were then applied to produce a final reproduction (Fig. 23). Fig. 23. Proposed reconstruction of the lower mudguard flap Conclusion Various experiments and forms of observation were performed in order to establish facts concerning the production process of the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps, which had previously been unexamined. As a result, the following information could be obtained that provides important insights into the understanding of ancient cultures on the Korean Peninsula. First, the bark used in the mudguard flaps came from a white birch tree and not a Korean birch (Betula costata). It should be noted that white birch is not indigenous to the Korean Peninsula. Second, the mudguard flap image was painted on the inner surface of the outer bark rather than the outer surface. Third, the background of the image was not painted, and the natural color of the inner surface of the outer bark of the white birch tree was utilized. Four different pigments were used: white lead for white, cinnabar for red, an ink stick for black, and malachite for green. Fourth, the two heavenly horse paintings from the pair of mudguard flaps were not identical imitations of a single model. Their compositions are similar, but differences can be observed in the details of the iconography. It is possible that the pair of mudguard flaps may have been produced by the same person. However, given the complex nature of the detailed manufacturing process, a more likely scenario is that several people were involved in their manufacture through a division of labor. Fifth, the Cheonmachong Tomb mudguard flaps may be regarded as an assemblage of diverse technologies that were in use in the ancient Korean societies of the time. The manufacturing process of the mudguard flaps took place in ten stages from the preparation of the white birch bark panels to the attachment of the horse ornaments. Some of these phases were complicated and involved several steps. For example, two pieces of bark were required to craft the two front panels and four were needed to make the two back panels. Finally, a reproduction was created in order to reconstruct a pair of Silla mudguard flaps from the Three Kingdoms Period. These mudguard flaps would have been magnificent indeed at the time of their production. The heavenly horse is not only dynamic in nature, but almost seems to emanate a sacred aura. This work represents the first stages of further study on these mudguard flaps. Additional research will be undertaken in order to supplement the limitations of the current paper.
January 2016, vol.10, pp.95-120 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2016.v10_07
The incense burners of the Goryeo dynasty (高麗, 918–1392) are considered highly significant as a bridge between the incense burners of the preceding Unified Silla (統一新羅, 676–935) period and those of the subsequent Joseon dynasty (朝鮮, 1392–1910). This is because they succeeded the forms of Unified Silla incense burners and then provided a defining influence on those of Joseon. When approached as such a bridge, two inherent characteristics of Goryeo incense burners stand out: their traditionality and originality. In discussing the traditionality of Goryeo Buddhist incense burners, focus can be placed on their succession and development of forms from Unified Silla; in discussing their originality attention should be turned to the types that first emerged during Goryeo and the decorative techniques applied. The argument that Goryeo incense burners must have developed out of an inherent tradition has been based on the type of open-mouthed incense burners known as hyangwan (香垸, incense burner in the shape of a pedestal bowl). The origins of this form have been sought in the earthenware incense burners from times preceding the Unified Silla period (Hwang Suyeong 1963; Kim Wonyong 1983). The discussion on the traditions inherent within the range of Goryeo incense burners has so far been limited to hyangwan due to a dearth of examples of Unified Silla incense burners to use in comparison. However, thanks to newly discovered materials and research results, the question of the traditions within Goryeo incense burners can now be examined from the novel perspective of the Unified Silla period itself (Choi Eungchon 2008). Traces of Unified Silla traditions observable in Goryeo incense burners can be examined in two regards: succession of forms and the change and development of forms. Succession of forms means that common shapes for Buddhist incense burners applied during Unified Silla continued to be produced and used in Goryeo, while the change and development of forms describes the evolution of the shapes of incense burners used in Unified Silla as they emerged as innovative forms unique to Goryeo. The type of Goryeo incense burner that best represents succession of forms is the type of incense burner with a handle and lion weight, known as sajajin-byeong-hyangno (獅子鎭柄香爐), while change of form is manifested in hyangwan, the representative type of incense burner without a handle known as geo-hyangno (居香爐) used during the period. First, this paper examines the elements of the Unified Silla tradition that can be identified in incense burners with a handle and lion weight and explores how long that tradition endured. It then turns to the development of hyangwan, the major incense burner form of Goryeo, to ascertain how its eventual shape was achieved. The originality of Goryeo Buddhist incense burners is most evident in the class of hanging incense burners known as hyeonno (懸爐) and in the decoration of incense burners using the silver inlay technique. These hanging incense burners are unique to Goryeo and no similar examples have been found in contemporaneous neighboring countries or from the preceding Unified Silla period. It is surmised that they were created for use in a particular Buddhist ceremony. This paper seeks to identify the distinctive features of these hanging incense burners in terms of their shape, function, and the period in which they were manufactured and used. Silver inlay is a decorative technique known to have been used from the Three Kingdoms period, but no evidence of its application to Buddhist incense burners has been found outside of those of the Goryeo dynasty. The patterns expressed on these censers in silver inlay display a distinctly Buddhist character. Hence, this paper seeks to examine the time period during which silver inlay was used, the process through which the design scheme seen on silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan was established, and the meaning and calligraphic style of the Sanskrit characters that contribute to this design scheme. Unified Silla Tradition in Buddhist Incense Burners of the Goryeo Dynasty Incense Burner with a Handle and Lion Weight Incense burners with a handle and lion weight, or sajajin-byeong-hyangno, comprise a type of censer that first appeared in the mid-eighth century during the Tang dynasty (唐, 618–907) of China. The most prominent example is one excavated from the stupa of Chan Master Shenhui (神會, 684–758) consisting of a stand, body, ruyi-head (如意頭) ornament at the mouth, and long handle with a lion shape at the end (Fig. 1). A change was introduced in the late eighth century when the lion was depicted with a ring in its mouth (Hunan Provincial Museum 1960: 56-58) (Illustration 1). Judging by a record within the Pelliot Dunhuang documents (P. 3343) that mentions a “bronze incense burner with long handle” (長柄銅香爐), it can be surmised that the Korean term byeong-hyangno (柄香爐), which means “incense burner with a handle,” came into use sometime between the late eighth century and the first half of the ninth century (Lee Yongjin 2011, 120). Fig. 1. Incense burner with a handle and lion weight. Tang dynasty, 758 at the latest. Length: 41.6 cm, Height: 11.8 cm. Excavated from the stupa of Chan Master Shenhui, Henan Province, People’s Republic of China (Tokyo National Museum 1986, 137) Illustration 1. Changes in the form of incense burners with a handle and lion weight from the Tang dynasty (National Museum of Korea 2013, p. 39) It is estimated that this form of incense burner with a handle and lion weight was transmitted to Unified Silla around the first half of the ninth century. Two relics from that time remain extant in Korea, one excavated from Ingaksa Temple (麟角寺) (Fig. 2), and the other held in the collection of Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art (Fig. 3). Both are composed of a foot, body, ruyi-head ornament at the mouth, and handle with a lion weight. The components were cast separately and then joined with rivets. On both examples, the lion’s mouth features a hole through which a ring can be passed, indicating Unified Silla’s adoption of a style appearing at a stage later than the incense burner found in the stupa of Chan Master Shenhui (Illustration 2). Fig. 2. Incense burner with a handle and lion weight. Unified Silla, first half of the 9th century. Length: 39.8 cm, Height: 101 cm. Excavated from Ingaksa Temple, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province. Central Buddhist Museum (National Museum of Korea 2013, p.40) Fig. 3. Incense burner with a handle and lion weight. Unified Silla, first half of the 9th century. Length: 42 cm, Height: 101 cm (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art) Illustration 2. Incense burners with a handle and lion weight from the Unified Silla period In Tang China, the form of incense burner with a handle and lion weight disappeared around the mid-ninth century. However, it continued to be produced and used during Unified Silla’s successor dynasty, Goryeo, thus fueling a unique tradition with no parallel in China. There are two known remaining examples of Goryeo incense burners with a handle and lion weight, one inscribed with “Chamjijeongsa” (參知政事, junior second rank post of Goryeo government) and the other with “Unbongsa” (雲峰寺), both excavated at the Goryeo capital of Gaeseong. The stand and body of both incense burners have been lost, and only the handle and lion weight remain. These are especially important artifacts in that they differ slightly from each other, one being made according to the Unified Silla tradition while the other clearly showing Goryeo-style elements. First, the handle of the incense burner inscribed with “Chamjijeongsa” shows a grooved profile (凹) conforming with the conventions of Unified Silla (Fig. 4). This tradition is also evident in the method of production, given that the handle and the lion were cast separately and then connected with rivets, as seen in the Unified Silla burner from Ingaksa Temple. However, a bell is depicted around the lion’s neck—a feature not found among the incense burners of either the Tang dynasty or Unified Silla period. It appears on lions in incense burnersfrom the Song dynasty (宋, 960–1279), as well as the lions of incense burners made by the Goryeo people and the Khitans (契丹). It is believed that the bell represents a shift in the conception of the lion from the king of the beasts to a tamed animal. In this sense, Goryeo-style elements had indeed already emerged by the time of the above mentioned burner inscribed with the characters, Chamjijeongsa. Fig. 4. Incense burner with a handle and lion weight inscribed with “Chamjijeongsa.” Goryeo, 12–13th century. Length: 20.5 cm (National Museum of Korea) In contrast, in the Unbongsa-inscribed incense burner with a handle and lion weight, traces of Unified Silla tradition that were apparent in the Chamjijeongsa-inscribed incense burner have begun to disappear (Fig. 5). First, while the lion has a bell around its neck, the grooved handle has been transformed to one with a protruding profile (), demonstrating an accelerating shift toward the establishment of a Goryeo style. Moreover, the handle and lion of the Unbongsa-inscribed incense burner were cast as a unit, indicating that the Unified Silla method of separate casting and joining of the parts with rivets had given way to unique Goryeo methods of production. Fig. 5. Incense burner with a handle and lion weight inscribed with “Unbongsa Temple.” Goryeo, 12–13th century. Length: 19.7 cm (National Museum of Korea) In sum, the Chamjijeongsa-inscribed incense burner with a handle and lion weight retains traces of the Unified Silla tradition, including the grooved handle, the method of joining the handle and the lion, and the tail of the lion reaching its head. In contrast, the Unbongsa-inscribed incense burner displays novel Goryeo features in its corresponding elements, such as the protruding handle, the casting of handle and lion together as a single piece, and the shortened tail (Illustration 3). Therefore, it can be deduced that the Chamjijeongsa-inscribed incense burner predates the example with the inscription of “Unbongsa.” Illustration 3. Comparison of Unified Silla and Goryeo incense burners with a handle and lion weight Regarding how long Unified Silla elements remained evident in Goryeo dynasty Buddhist incense burners, clues can be found in the inscriptions. The inscription on the side of the handle of the Chamjijeongsa-inscribed incense burner relates that the incense burner weighs three geun, 13 ryang (about 1.0875 kg) and was commissioned by a man named Choi who served in the position of Chamjijeongsa. During the Goryeo dynasty, Chamjijeongsa was a high-ranking position (junior second rank) in the state organ for government affairs known as “Jungseomunhaseong” (中書門下省). Based on the description of this post in the chapter “Government Officials” of the Goryeosa, or History of Goryeo (高麗史 卷 七十六 志 三十 百官 評理條), the incense burner must have been produced prior to 1274, the year King Chungnyeol came to the throne. Also, it is believed that “Choi” refers to the patron who commissioned the incense burner. Considering the dates of appointment of men by the family name of Choi who served as Chamjijeongsa during the Goryeo period as recorded in ancient documents, the Choi who commissioned the incense burner would likely have served between 1113 at the earliest and 1232 at the latest. Hence, traces of the Unified Silla tradition evident in the Chamjijeongsa-inscribed incense burner with a handle and lion weight likely continued into somewhere from the first half of the twelfth century to the first half of the thirteenth century. After this period, incense burners with a more markedly Goryeo character were produced, as evidenced by the Unbongsa-inscribed incense burner. Unified Silla Tradition Reflected in Hyangwan Several studies have been conducted over the years investigating the origins of the incense burner in the shape of a pedestal bowl, known as hyangwan, the major type of geo-hyangno, or incense burner without a handle, produced in Goryeo. Some existing studies project that this form derived from earthenware stem cups (高足杯; K. gojokbae; Ch. gaozubei), while others argue that it appeared as a result of a foreign influence. The late scholar Hwang Sooyoung argues that the wan (垸) in the term hyangwan (香垸) refers to women’ s and men’s rice bowls (椀 and 盌, both pronounced the same as 垸, but assigned different characters) and thus the hyangwan form likely originated in the shape of ordinary bowls (Hwang Sooyoung 1963, 417). That is, earlier earthenware versions would have served as the prototypes for the metal hyangwan of Goryeo. Another late scholar, Kim Wonyong, argued that earthenware incense burners from the Baekje Kingdom remained as a regional form and were succeeded by Goryeo, leading to the production of celadon incense burners. As part of this process, there occurred a transition from rice bowl-shaped incense burners with a narrow rim to those with a wide flange extending horizontally from the mouth, which eventually developed into hyangwan (Kim Wonyong 1983, 43-45). Professor Joo Kyeongmi argued that while Goryeo hyangwan may have roots in the form of earthenware stem cups, the true origins of hyangwan can be traced back to Buddhist ritual censors of the late Tang and Five Dynasties (五代, 907–960) periods in China. During the Northern Song (北宋, 960–1127) period these developed into stoneware incense burners in the form of stem cups with a stepped base and wide flange, and hence share much in common with Goryeo hyangwan (Joo Kyeongmi 2002, 33-58). On the other hand, Professor Choi Eungchon conjectured that a decline in the use of Unified Silla incense burners with feet in the form of animals led to a gradual shift to three-footed incense burners with a high lotus-bud ornament on the lid, or alternatively to hyangwan (Choi Eungchon 2008, 193). Among these theories on the origin of hyangwan, this author supports the proposal that they emerged out of Unified Silla incense burners and will next trace the process of development from Unified Silla incense burners without handles, or geo-hyangno to the hyangwan of Goryeo. Goryeo hyangwan are composed of a circular base, flared shaft, and cylindrical body with a wide flange at the mouth (Fig. 6). Incense burners with these features can be observed carved on stone sculptures from the Unified Silla period. The ninth-century stone Vairocana Buddha sculpture in Mulgeol-ri in Hongcheon, Gangwon-do Province and the stone Vairocana from the Seorimsa Temple site (西林寺址) in Yangyang, Gangwon-do Province both feature an incense burner carved into the pedestal. The base of these graven incense burners is comprised of a round foot and flared shaft, the same composition found in Goryeo hyangwan, indicating that incense burners of a similar form were already present in the ninth century during the Unified Silla period (Illustration 4). Fig. 6. Composition of Goryeo hyangwan. Illustration 4. Comparison of Unified Silla incense burners carved on stone sculptures in the ninth century with Goryeo hyangwan The development and transition of Unified Silla incense burners without handles to Goryeo hyangwan took place in several stages. The Jeonju National Museum holds in its collection an incense burner that resembles a hyangwan in terms of overall form, but rests on a three-footed base (Fig. 7). This example consists of a base, a flared shaft, and a body. It is believed to have once included a lid, which has since been lost. This addition of a three-footed base to the existing base of the incense burner is considered to be a reflection of the Unified Silla tradition. Among the incense burners depicted on Unified Silla stone sculptures, there are indeed some that show a three-footed base, a form that likely developed under the influence of the multi-footed incense burners used at the time. These multi-footed incense burners of the Unified Silla period gradually grew longer through the body, one example of which is carved on the eastern stupa at Yeongoksa Temple (鷰谷寺) (Fig. 8). The composition of this carved incense burner is essentially the same as that of actual multi-footed incense burners, but the body is slightly higher. In the stage of development that followed this specimen, the decorative elements disappear and the form simplifies, but the tradition of appending a three-footed base remains, as evidenced by the bronze incense burner preserved at the Jeonju National Museum and by another bearing the inscription “Bongeopsa” (奉業寺) (Treasure No. 1414). These two incense burners represent an intermediate stage in the transition of the Unified Silla incense burner without a handle to the hyangwan of Goryeo, the process of which is illustrated in Illustration 5. Fig. 7 Bronze hyangwan. Goryeo, 11th century. Height: 24.3 cm (Jeonju National Museum) Fig. 8 Incense burner carved on the eastern stupa at Yeongoksa Temple. Unified Silla, late 9th to 10th century. Yeongoksa Temple, Jeollanam-do Province (Author’s photograph) Illustration 5. Intermediate stages in the transition of Unified Silla multi-footed incense burners to Goryeo hyangwan The bronze incense burner with the inscription “Bongeopsa” and the bronze incense burner in the collection of the Jeonju National Museum are both composed of a three-footed base, above which is a further round base, flared shaft, body, and lid. These differ from hyangwan in that rather than a wide flange at the mouth, they feature either a flared mouth or an everted mouth that provides a rim on which to rest a lid. After this stage of development, however, the three-footed base disappears from bronze incense burners and the flange at the mouth gradually widens. These changes can be confirmed in the bronze hyangwan and bronze hyangno excavated at the Sanoesa Temple site (思惱寺址) in Cheongju, Chungcheongbuk-do Province. Aside from bronze incense burners, bronze bowls and a large quantity of other bronze Buddhist craftworks were unearthed at the Sanoesa Temple site. Items that can be firmly dated fall within the range of the late tenth to the mid-thirteenth or early fourteenth centuries. This collection of excavated objects covering such a broad range of time is significant since it includes items demonstrating the course of evolution from the three-footed incense burner to hyangwan. Among the bronze incense burners found at the Sanoesa Temple site is one with a three-footed base (Fig. 9), similar to the Bongeopsa-inscribed incense burner and to an incense burner in the collection of the Jeonju National Museum. This incense burner pertains to the intermediate stage in the transition from Unified Silla incense burners without a handle to Goryeo hyangwan, as examined above. In the next stage, the appended three-footed base disappears and the form comes to more closely resemble Goryeo hyangwan with a wide flange at the mouth. This change is evidenced in the bronze hyangwan at the Cheongju National Museum (Fig. 10), which has a stepped base, a shaft that flares very little with an almost equal diameter at the top and bottom, and a cylindrical body with a flanged mouth. Fig. 9 Bronze hyangwan. Goryeo, 11th century. Height: 29.5 cm. Excavated from the Sanoesa Temple site, Chungcheongbuk-do Province (Cheongju National Museum) Fig. 10 Bronze hyangwan. Goryeo, latter half of the 11th century. Height: 15.2 cm (Cheongju National Museum) The transitional process starting from Unified Silla incense burners without handles continued through the Goryeo dynasty with the disappearance of the three-footed base and its replacement by a round stepped foot and the emergence of a flange at the everted mouth to arrive at an early form of hyangwan. The final outcome is the archetypical hyangwan with a round base, flared shaft, and body with a flange at the mouth (Illustration 6). Illustration 6. Development of the Goryeo hyangwan form To determine precisely when the classic hyangwan form was achieved, it can be noted that the oldest extant bronze hyangwan from the Goryeo period bears the inscription “fourth Huangtong year” (皇統四年) (Fig. 11). This incense burner features a round foot, flared shaft, and body with a flange at the mouth. As the inscription indicates, it was produced in 1144, the fourth year of the Huangtong era of the Chinese Jin dynasty (金, 1115–1234). Therefore, it appears that the typical hyangwan form had been established by at least that point. However, although its current whereabouts are unknown, a bronze hyangwan formerly in the possession of a man named Kim Donghyeon was known to bear the inscription “seventh Taikang year” (太康七年). This indicates that it was made in 1081, the seventh year of the Taikang era of the Chinese Liao dynasty (遼, 916–1125), demonstrating that the hyangwan form was in fact established earlier. Based on this evidence, the mature hyangwan form seems to have been attained in the late eleventh century after going through two major phases of change from Unified Silla incense burners without handles, or geo-hyangno. Fig. 11 Bronze hyangwan inscribed with “fourth Huangtong year.” Goryeo, 1144. Height: 15.5 cm (Kyunghee University Museum) Just as important as the establishment of the hyangwan form is the fact that the composition of designs evidenced in silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan are partially apparent in earlier Unified Silla relics. On the lower portion of the cylindrical body of the incense burner depicted on the statues of Vairocana in Mulgeol-ri and at the Seorimsa Temple site, there is a design that appears to consist of lotus leaves. Likewise, silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze incense burners feature a lotus leaf design on the lower portion of the body, indicating that their designs were at least in part influenced by their counterparts from Unified Silla. Of course, there are differences in technique and expression between the embossed designs on the Unified Silla incense burners and the silver-inlaid designs on Goryeo hyangwan, but they appear to be based on the same compositional principles. Hence, Goryeo hyangwan can be seen to have emerged out of the Unified Silla tradition not only in terms of form, but also in the designs expressed on the surface. Originality in Goryeo Dynasty Buddhist Incense Burners Hyeonno: Hanging Incense Burners The artifacts that best demonstrate the original qualities of Goryeo Buddhist incense burners in terms of form are the hanging censers known as hyeonno. These are broadly referred to as hyeon-hyangno (懸香爐, literally “hanging incense burner”), but this paper has adopted the term hyeonno, which can be found as part of the inscription on the hanging censer inscribed with “muja” (戊子) excavated at the Beopcheonsa Temple site (法泉寺址). Although only a small number of hanging censers remain, it is believed to be a form unique to Goryeo with no counterpart from Unified Silla or in neighboring countries throughout the Goryeo period. The Buddhist sūtras make no specific mention of the appearance of incense burners used at the time, but the shape can nevertheless be deduced based on certain relevant expressions. Buddhist scriptures such as the Damamūka-nidāna Sūtra (賢愚經, Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish), Ekottara Āgama (增壹阿含經, Numbered Discourses), and Suvarṇaprabhāsa Sūtra (金光明經, Sūtra of Golden Light) mention an “incense burner taken in the hand.” Other sūtras such as the Samhādhi Sea Sūtra (佛說觀佛三昧海經, Sūtra on the Samādhi-Ocean of Contemplation of the Buddha) and the Vinaya (鼻奈耶) describe an “incense burner held up high.” These two expressions indicate that ceremonial incense burners must have been held in the hands, and considering the size and weight involved they would likely have been referring to incense burners equipped with a handle, that is, to byeong-hyangno. Meanwhile, in other texts, such as the Vinaya Sūtra of Guṇaprabha (佛說德光太子經), Abhiniṣkramaṇa Sūtra (佛本行集經, Sūtra of the Collection of the Original Acts of the Buddha), and Mahāprajñāpāramitā Sūtra (大般若波羅密多經, Large Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra), there is mention of a stand or table on which the incense burner is placed, which is indicative of an incense burner without a handle, or geo-hyangno. However, hanging incense burners, or hyeonno, unlike those with or without a handle as indicated above, have no grounding in the sūtras. They are not simply a creation of the Goryeo people and an expression of their drive to achieve something unique, but the foundation for diversification of the forms of Buddhist incense burners. The only extant hanging incense burners from the Goryeo period are those from the Beopcheonsa Temple site in Wonju, Gangwon-do Province and the Sanoesa Temple site in Cheongju and another example held in the collection of the Kyunghee University Museum (Illustration 7). Illustration 7. Goryeo hanging incense burners (hyeonno) These hanging incense burners share common features, including a rounded body, semi-spherical lid with smoke holes, and a cloud-inspired handle attached at the shoulders. The sparse number of extant Goryeo hanging incense burners is assumed to be related to the type of ceremony or rite in which they were used. Only the body remains of a hanging incense burner discovered at the Beopcheonsa Temple site, now in the collection of the Dongguk University Museum, but the inscription on the body indicates its function. According to this inscription, it was made for use in the Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assembly (彌陀會) held at Beopcheonsa Temple in the muja year. The inscription also tells that three hanging incense burners were created by five monks, including the Monk Sinhoe (信懷, date unknown), and it is therefore speculated that they were used when making offerings to the Amitābha Triad at Beopcheonsa. The Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assembly is also mentioned in Hyeonhwasa Temple Monument (玄化寺碑). Although the inscription on the monument provides no details regarding the procedures for the ceremony, it does state that King Hyeonjong (顯宗, r. 1009–1031) constructed Hyeonhwasa in honor of his parents in 1020. He erected a shrine there for royal portraits, and on the fifteenth day of the seventh month opened a three-day Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assembly. This record is the earliest regarding an Amitābha assembly held at a temple of the Beopsang Order (法相宗, Consciousness Only School) during the Goryeo period. Indeed, throughout the first half of Goryeo, both Hyeonhwasa and Beopcheonsa were temples belonging to the Beopsang Order, which was connected to the Amitābha assembly. It can therefore be concluded that these hanging incense burners known as hyeonno were used in Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assemblies held at temples pertaining to the Beopsang Order. Regarding the period in which hyeonno were used, the hanging incense burner from the Beopcheonsa Temple site bears an inscription revealing that it was made for use in the Amitābha assembly held at the temple in the second month of the muja year. There is no mention as to why the event was held or regarding the procedures involved, only the number of hanging burners produced. As mentioned above, both Beopcheonsa and Hyeonhwasa were temples of the Beopsang Order during the early Goryeo period where, according to records, Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assemblies were held. In the latter half of Goryeo, however, both temples switched their affiliation to a different Buddhist order and no further records of the holding of an Amitābha assembly there can be found, indicating that this ceremony was held at these temples only in the first half of Goryeo. In this context, the production of the hanging incense burner inscribed with “muja year” can be narrowed down to either the year 1168 or 1228, each corresponding to a muja year in the sexagenary (Stems-and-Branches) cycle. That Beopcheonsa switched to a different order following a revolt by Goryeo military officials in 1170 lends weight to the supposition that the hanging incense burner from this temple site must have been made in 1168. Given this date, the bronze hanging incense burner found at the Sanoesa Temple site can also be dated to a range from the latter half of the twelfth century to the early half of the thirteenth. Designs and Sanskrit Characters on Silver-inlaid Goryeo Bronze Hyangwan Silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan are, as the name indicates, decorated with designs inlaid with silver wire. Silver inlay is a technique that had been in use since the Three Kingdoms period, but its application to bronze incense burners attests to the originality of Goryeo art since no similar practice has been found in its neighboring countries from the same period. The following examines the process through which the silver inlay design scheme on these incense burners developed and the meaning and script style of the Sanskrit characters that form part of the design. 1. Development of Silver Inlay Design Scheme on Bronze Hyangwan: Bronze hyangwan with silver inlay designs produced in the fourteenth century, particularly the years coinciding with the Zhizheng era (至正, 1341–1367) of the Yuan dynasty (元, 127–1368), share a common design composition. The flange includes a peony scroll design on the upper surface and a fret design on the side. The body shows a ruyi-head design and four Sanskrit characters, each within a double circle, while the lower portion of the body is decorated with a lotus petal design. This design scheme was established over an extensive period of time, and the following examines how it came to feature on the silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan of the Zhizheng era, the latter period of Yuan domination over Goryeo. Mention of Goryeo period hyangwan can be found in ancient texts such as the Goryeosa and the Dongmunseon (東文選, Anthology of Korean Literature). Both the record for the gimyo year (己卯, 1099) during the reign of King Sukjong (肅宗, r. 1054–1105) in the Goryeosa and Goryeo official Yi Ye’s (李䫨, dates unknown) record of “Samgaksan jungsu seunggagul gi” (三角山重修僧伽崛記, Repair of Seunggasa Cave Temple on Mt. Samgaksan) in the Dongmunseon report that King Sukjong presented an offering of a “silver hyangwan” when he travelled to Seunggasa in 1099. However, this “silver hyangwan” is interpreted as referring not to an incense burner made of silver, but one decorated with silver inlay. In line with this, hyangwan with silver inlay designs can be assumed to have existed by 1099. The oldest extant Goryeo bronze hyangwan with silver inlay is one made in 1164 during the Dading era (大定, 1161–1189) of China’s Jin dynasty bearing the inscription “fourth Dading year, Baegworam” (大定四年 白月庵), currently preserved at the Koryo Museum of Art in Japan (Fig. 12). This hyangwan is significant in that it bears design features common to this type, including a lotus petal design on the shaft and Sanskrit characters on the body. The inscription is carved into the base, and the lotus petal design is inlaid with silver on the upper portion of the shaft, which emerged as an established design scheme in later bronze incense burners of this type. Fig. 12 Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “fourth Dading Year, Baegworam.” Goryeo, 1164. Height: 26.5 cm. Koryo Art Museum, Kyoto, Japan (National Museum of Korea 2013, p.33) Compared to this hyangwan inscribed with “fourth Dading year,” a later example inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” (大定十七年) (Fig. 13) shows more refined decoration in terms of both technique and expression of the silver inlay, notably the raised lotus-petal band on the lower section of the body. Most importantly, this hyangwan is the oldest of the known silver-inlaid Goryeo hyangwan to feature the ruyi-head design, which appeared on nearly all later examples. Fig. 13 Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year.” Goryeo, 1177. Height: 27.5 cm. National Treasure No. 75. Pyochungsa Temple (National Museum of Korea 1997, Fig. 23) The hyangwan inscribed with “second Zhenyou year, Jahyosa” (貞祐二年 慈孝寺) (Fig. 14) shows a lotus scroll design between Sanskrit characters, a newly introduced element that can be observed on subsequent bronze hyangwan with silver inlay designs. Fig. 14 Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “second Zhenyou Year, Jahyosa.” Goryeo, 1214. Lost during the Korean War (National Museum of Korea 2013, p. 33). A still later hyangwan inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou year, Saboksa” (貞祐六年 社福寺) (Fig. 15) features a circle of ruyi heads surrounding three fine concentric circles with a Sanskrit character in the center, all inlaid in silver. This hyangwan is the earliest known example of this method of expression, which was sustained in all subsequent bronze hyangwan with silver inlay designs. Produced in 1218 during the Zhenyou era (貞祐, 1213–1237) of China’s Jin dynasty, it represents a milestone in the development of Goryeo bronze hyangwan for its circular frame of ruyi heads, which influenced Goryeo celadon works as well. Fig. 15 Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou Year, Saboksa.” Goryeo, 1218. Height: 31 cm (Leeum, Samsung Museum of Art) This influence is evidenced in celadon dishes and bowls of the Goryeo dynasty featuring year names from the sexagenary cycle—e.g., gisa (己巳), gyeongo (庚午), imsin (壬申), gyeyu (癸酉), gapsul (甲戌), imo (壬午), and jeonghae (丁亥)—inlaid in black and white within two concentric circles surrounded by a frame of ruyi heads. Oldest among these are those inscribed with “gisa year,” which is presumed to refer to either 1269 or 1329. Hence, the bronze hyangwan inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou year,” which corresponds to 1218, indicates that the ruyi-head circle first seen on this incense burner influenced the design of celadon vessels (Illustration 8). Illustration 8. Circular ruyi-head frame on bronze hyangwan with silver inlay and on celadon vessels To summarize the above, it is estimated that silver inlay first appeared on Goryeo hyangwan by 1099 and the conventional design scheme developed in stages over a century or so. The Sanskrit characters and lotus-leaf design on the upper section of the shaft, the fundamental design elements for this type of incense burner, first appeared on the hyangwan dated to 1164 (fourth Dading year), the ruyi-head design and lotus leaf design on the lower section of the body of the hyangwan dated to 1177 (seventeenth Dading year), lotus scrolls between the Sanskrit characters on the hyangwan dated to 1214 (second Zhenyou year), and the circular ruyi-head frame around Sanskrit characters and lotus leaf design on the lower part of the body and upper part of the shaft on the hyangwan dated to 1218 (sixth Zhenyou year). Therefore, the design scheme found on Goryeo bronze hyangwan with silver inlay designs can be said to have been fully established around 1218. Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan is an original type of incense burner unique to Goryeo expressing a combination of Sanskrit characters, lotus leaf designs, and other Buddhist motifs, and thus constitute an incense burner type with no counterpart in a neighboring country and the most distinctly Buddhist character in the region. 2. Sanskrit Characters on Silver-inlaid Goryeo Bronze Hyangwan 1) INTERPRETATION OF THE SANSKRIT CHARACTERS: The Sanskrit characters found on Goryeo bronze hyangwan with silver inlay provide the core element of the design scheme. Inlaid in silver, they form part of an overall design comprised of a lotus leaf pattern on the lower portion of the body, lotus scrolls between the Sanskrit characters, and circular frames surrounding the characters formed by thin concentric circles and a ring of ruyi heads. They are not simply design motifs, but also Buddhist messages comprised of either four or six syllables. Generally, Sanskrit characters can be seen in an arrangement of six around the top of the flange or four on the central part of the body (Fig. 16). Extant examples of silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan featuring six characters around the flange are the hyangwan inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” and the one inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou year, Saboksa” The hyangwan inscribed with “fourth Dading year, Baegworam” and the one inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” show four characters on the body. Fig. 16 Sanskrit characters inlaid in silver around the flange (left) and on the body (right) Silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan featuring Sanskrit characters on the flange or body have been chronologically arranged in the following table. As seen in Table 1, four categories of Sanskrit characters are apparent. First, incense burners featuring the characters (oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ) include those inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” and “Hampyeong gungju bang” (咸平宮主房), as well as the incense burner identified as Treasure No. 1735 (Illustration 9). Illustration 9. Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan featuring Sanskrit characters (oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ) Table 1. Sanskrit characters on silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan The characters (oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ) on the flange of the bronze hyangwan inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” constitute a six-syllable mantra associated with Avalokiteśvara (六字大明王眞言; 觀自在菩薩微妙本心六字大明王) which was widely popular in East Asian countries like Korea, China, Tibet, Mongolia, and Japan. The oldest sūtra to include this mantra is the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra (大乘莊嚴寶王經, Mahāyāna Sūtra for Sublime Avalokiteśvara), translated into Chinese between 982 and 1000 by Monk Tianxizai (天息災, d. 1000), who came to China from Kashmir. Although the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra is included in the Tripiṭaka Koreana (高麗大藏經), the Buddhist canon compiled in 1251 during the Goryeo dynasty, the appearance of the mantra “oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ” on the incense burner inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” (1177) indicates that this sūtra was in fact introduced to Korea before this canon was produced. It is possible that the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra was included in the first edition of the Tripiṭaka Koreana, known as Chojo daejanggyeong (初雕大藏經), but the original woodblocks were lost during the Mongol invasions of the thirteenth century and none of the remaining print copies show any traces of the sūtra, suggesting the possibility that it had not yet been introduced to Korea by the mid-eleventh century. However, that the Kāraṇḍavyūha Sūtra was introduced to Korea by at least the late eleventh century can be surmised from historical records stating that the Liao dynasty sent a copy of the Buddhist canon to Goryeo in 1063 and another copy in 1072 during the reign of King Munjong (文宗, r. 1046–1083). It is also recorded that the Song dynasty sent a copy in 1083, the Liao dynasty sent another copy in 1099, and National Preceptor Uicheon (大覺國師 義天, 1055–1101) brought back a collection of Buddhist texts from Song China in 1086. According to the Jineonjip (眞言集, Collection of Mantras), (oṃ) is the mother of all mantras, and when the Buddha crossed over to Nirvāṇa (transmigration to extinction) it was converted into a dhāraṇī for the benefit of all sentient beings. The next character (ma ṇi) means “jewel,” and (pad me) signifies “lotus.” The Jineonjip mentions that (hūṃ) refers to the bīja seed syllable for “truth” (眞心種子), Akṣobya Buddha (阿閦如來), and Bhaiṣajyaguru (東方琉璃光佛, Medicine Buddha); it forever erases all uncleanliness and evil, inspires an aspiration toward Buddhahood and faith in the Buddha Land. Therefore, “hūṃ” can be taken to mean “purify and save us.” When these individual meanings are combined, “oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ” can be translated into “May the jewel in the lotus purify us and lead us to salvation.” In this light, it can be surmised that this six-syllable mantra was inlaid in silver on the flange of the incense burner made in the seventeenth Dading year in order to express wishes for the purification and salvation of the world through the burning of incense. In later incense burners, however, this mantra is not depicted on the flange, but rather on the body, and with the six syllables abbreviated to four: “oṃ ma ṇi pad.” This transformation can be seen on the silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “Hampyeong gungju bang” and another designated as Treasure No. 1735 (preserved at Tongdosa Seongbo Museum). The inscription on the silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “Hampyeong gungju bang” in the collection of the Daegu National Museum provides no information regarding its date of production. Given that “Hampyeong gungju” (咸平宮主) refers to the queen consort of King Huijong (熙宗, r. 1204–1211), who was invested as queen with this title in 1211 and passed away in 1247, and that the circle of ruyi heads first appeared on the incense burner inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou year, Saboksa” from 1218, it can be concluded that the “Hampyeong gungju bang” incense burner must have been produced between 1218 and 1247. Consequently, the reduction of the mantra “oṃ ma ṇi pad me hūṃ” from six to four syllables can be dated to 1247 at the latest. The condensed mantra can be seen as the outcome of greater emphasis being placed on acts of virtue over doctrinal understanding. Second, the mantra (oṃ a hūṃ hrīḥ) appears on three silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan: one inscribed with “fourth Dading year (1164), Baegworam,” one with “seventeenth Dading year (1177),” and one with “twenty-sixth Zhizheng year (1366), Jinjongsa” (至正二十六年 眞宗寺) (Illustration 10). Illustration 10. Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan featuring the Sanskrit characters (oṃ a huṃ hrīḥ) Of the four Sanskrit characters in this mantra, (a) is symbolic of the core doctrines of the Esoteric Buddhism based on the Mahāvairocana Abhisaṃbodhi Sūtra (大日經) and appears at the head of the mantra, as explained in Esoteric sūtras and mantra books. The final syllable (hrīḥ) refers to keeping the dharma apart from all that is unclean and leading all to a world that is clean and pure. It is the seed syllable of Amitābha Buddha and commonly appears at the end of a mantra as an exclamation. Therefore, the four syllables (oṃ a hūṃ hrīḥ) do not have a single combined meaning, but should rather be interpreted as a combination of syllables representing that which is best or finest. However, there is a second interpretation of (oṃ a hūṃ hrīḥ). The syllables (oṃ), (a), and (hūṃ) can also be viewed as the three seed syllables representing the “three secrets,” that is, body, speech, and mind, a core principle of Esoteric Buddhism. To this, the seed syllable for Amitābha Buddha (hrīḥ) has been appended. Therefore, (oṃ a hūṃ hrīḥ) can be considered to mean that Amitābha is the Buddha upon whose image one contemplates after the purification of body, speech, and mind. Third, certain four-syllable mantras beginning with (oṃ), which is found at the start of the mantras, and ending with an expression of praise can be interpreted as having a specific meaning. Silver-inlaid bronze incense burners bearing this kind of four-syllable mantra include those inscribed with “fourth Zhizheng year, Jungheungsa,” “sixth Zhizheng year, Sangwonsa,” the one presumed to be from Yongmunsa Temple, and the one from Magoksa Temple (Illustration 11). Illustration 11. Silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan with Sanskrit mantras starting with (oṃ) and ending in an expression of praise The Goryeo incense burner with the inscription “fourth Zhizheng year, Jungheungsa” (至正四年 重興寺) features the four Sanskrit syllables (oṃ ysa la ya), the incense burner bearing “sixth Zhizheng year, Sangwonsa” (至正六年 上院寺) shows (oṃ a vaṃ huṃ), the incense burner presumed to be from Yongmunsa Temple is adorned with (oṃ vajra viṃ), and the incense burner from Magoksa features (oṃ ga ṇa gra). If the four Sanskrit syllables on the Sangwonsa-inscribed incense burner (oṃ a vaṃ huṃ) are analyzed as seed syllables, (oṃ) is a symbol of the Vajra Bodhisattva or Vajraratna Bodhisattva, (a) represents Mahāvairocana (大日如來) in the Womb Realm Maṇḍala (胎藏曼陀羅, Skr. Garbhadhātu Maṇḍala), (vaṃ) stands for Māhavairocana in the Diamond Realm Maṇḍala (金剛曼陀羅, Skr. Vajradhātu Maṇḍala), and (huṃ) denotes Akṣobhya Buddha. Therefore, the Sanskrit on this incense burner is characterized by the appearance of both (a) and (vaṃ), which symbolize Mahāvairocana in the Womb Realm and the Diamond Realm. As in the case of (oṃ a hūṃ hrīḥ), the characters on this incense burner (oṃ), (a), and (hūṃ) can be seen as three seed syllables representing the three secrets of body, speech, and mind, and (vaṃ) can be interpreted to mean that Mahāvairocana from the Diamond Realm Maṇḍala is the Buddha upon whose image one contemplates after the purification of body, speech, and mind. As for the incense burner presumed to be from Yongmunsa Temple, the characters (oṃ vajra viṃ) are considered to mean “Oh, praise to the Vajra!” In addition, (oṃ ga ṇa gra) on the incense burner from Magoksa is a combination of (oṃ), the expression of praise found at the head of a mantra, with (ga ṇa), which means countless, and (gra), a further expression of praise. Together they are taken to mean “Oh, praise to the countless beings!” Therefore, the four Sanskrit syllables inlaid in silver on this incense burner are thought to express a wish for the scent of the incense to diffuse far enough to reach the countless beings existing in the great chiliocosm. Fourth, the Sanskrit characters on the silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “twelfth Zhizheng year, Yongjangseonsa” (至正十二年 龍藏禪寺) fall into the category of those representing the four Buddhas of the Womb Realm (Fig. 17). This incense burner features the syllables (a ā aṃ aḥ) inlaid in silver. Among them, (a) represents the Jeweled Banner Buddha (寶幢如來, Skr. Ratnaketu) of the east, (aṃ) the Infinite Life Buddha of the West (無量壽如來, Skr. Amitāyus), or Amitābha Buddha, (a) the Florescence King (開敷華王, Skr. Saṃkusumitarāja) in the south, and (aḥ) the Heavenly Drum Thunder Buddha (天皷雷音如來, Skr. Divyadundubhi Meghanirghoṣa) in the north (Fig. 17-1). It is assumed that these characters representing the four Buddhas of the Womb Realm Maṇḍala must be related in some way to the people who took part in the production of the incense burner. Fig. 17 Sanskrit character on silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan inscribed with “twelfth Zhizheng Year, Yongjangseonsa.” Goryeo, 1352. Height: 45 cm (National Museum of Korea 2006, p.94) Fig. 17-1 Four Buddhas of the Womb Realm The incense burner carries the following inscription: 至正十二年壬辰閏三月日龍藏禪寺無量壽殿大香垸 大功德主 榮祿大夫資政院使高龍寶永寧公主辛氏 大化主 慧林 戒休 景眞 錄者性謙縷工 According to this, the incense burner was made in the twelfth Zhizheng year, or 1352, to be enshrined in Muryangsujeon (無量壽殿, Hall of Infinite Life) at Yongjangseonsa Temple (龍藏禪寺) and Go Yongbo (高龍寶, d. 1362) and Princess Yeongnyeong of the Shin clan (永寧公主 辛氏, dates unknown) took part in the project as patrons. Go Yongbo was a eunuch of Goryeo origin serving at the Yuan court who took part in a wide range of Buddhist projects. He served at Huizhengyuan (徽政院), the financial office of the Empress Gi (奇皇后, dates unknown), or Empress Qi in Chinese, who was also of Goryeo origin. Under commands from the empress, who was unable to visit Goryeo herself, he mediated support for Buddhist works and sometimes provided support under his own name. It is believed that this incense burner was commissioned by Go Yongbo on behalf of Empress Qi, and that the four Sanskrit characters inlaid in silver are related to Buddhist faith during the period of Yuan intervention. 2) CALLIGRAPHIC STYLE OF SILVER-INLAID GORYEO BRONZE HYANGWAN: Classic Indian scripts that were introduced to Korea include the Siddham4 script, the Nāgarī script, the Rañjanā (Lantsa) script, and the Tibetan script. Among them, the Siddhaṃ script and the Rañjanā script are those most often featured on Korean Buddhist art and craft works. It is presumed that the Siddhaṃ script, established in India in the sixth century, was introduced to Korea around the seventh century. A copy of the Cundī Mantra (準提眞言) discovered in the pagoda at Galhangsa Temple (葛項寺), built in 758 during the Unified Silla period, is believed to be the oldest known example of Siddhaṃ script in Korea (Fig. 18). Fig. 18 Cund mantra discovered inside the stone pagoda at Galhangsa Temple (Nam Kwonhee 2005) The Siddhaṃ script can be found in a number of sūtras in the second edition of the Tripiṭaka Koreana, known as Jaejo daejanggyeong (再彫大藏經) carved during the Goryeo dynasty (Fig. 19). Fig. 19 Siddhaṃ script used in the Chapter on Major Characters of the Siddhaṃ Script Used in the Vajraśekhara Sūtra in the Tripitaka Koreana The Rañjanā script, a variation of the Devanāgarī script, is an ornamental script that was used to carve or write titles on printing woodblocks and book covers. It first appeared in Korea sometime after 1271 as greater numbers of exchanges began to take place between Yuan and Goryeo. To examine the scripts found on Goryeo bronze hyangwan with silver inlay designs, first, the (a) character from the incense burners inscribed with “fourth Dading year,” “seventeenth Dading year,” and “second Zhenyou year” can be compared with the same character in standard Siddhaṃ script (Lee Taeseung et al. 2008) and with the Siddhaṃ script as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana (Illustration 12). Illustration 12. Comparison of a Sanskrit character found on the hyangwan inscribed with “seventeenth Dading year” and “second Zhenyou year” with standard Siddhaṃ script and the Siddhaṃ script in the Tripiṭaka Koreana In standard Siddhaṃ script, the (a) character is composed of six strokes. While here the third and fifth stroke in this script are joined, on the incense burners of the “seventeenth Dading year” and “second Zhenyou year” the second and fourth strokes are joined and the second and third strokes are separated. Also, in contrast to the sixth stroke used in standard Siddhaṃ script, which is long and thick, the strokes on these two incense burners are thin and short. In fact, the (a) character on these incense burners more closely resembles the style found in the Tripiṭaka Koreana’s Chapter on Major Characters of the Siddhaṃ Script Used in the Vajraśekhara Sūtra (瑜伽金剛頂經釋字母品), which was completed in 1246. The second and fourth strokes are joined and the second and third strokes are separated as in both the incense burner marked “seventeenth Dading year” and that showing “second Zhenyou year.” Considering that the Tripiṭaka Koreana was based on the First Tripiṭaka Koreana, or Chojo daejanggyeong, it can be surmised that the Sanskrit characters on the two incense burners were based on those of the First Tripiṭaka Koreana as well. Next, the (a) character found on the incense burners marked “sixth Zhizheng year” and “twelfth Zhizheng year” is also compared with the same character in standard Siddham4 script and from the script in the Tripiṭaka Koreana (Illustration 13). Illustration 13. Sanskrit characters on silver-inlaid bronze hyangwan produced in the Zhizheng era Analysis of the (a) character found on the incense burner marked “sixth Zhizheng year, Sangwonsa” reveals that the third and fifth strokes are joined, as in standard Siddhaṃ script, but the way the ends of the second and fourth strokes rise and the fourth and sixth strokes are joined more closely resembles the script style found in the Tripiṭaka Koreana. On the incense burner marked “twelfth Zhizheng year, Yongjangseonsa,” the third and fifth strokes are joined and hence resemble standard Siddhaṃ script, but the fourth stroke rises at the end and the sixth stroke is abbreviated, also conforming to the style used in the Tripiṭaka Koreana. The following Illustration is a comparison of the (pa) character on the incense burner inscribed with “Hampyeong gungju bang,” which was made prior to 1247, with the same character in standard Siddhaṃ script and as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana (Illustration 14). Illustration 14. Comparison of a Sanskrit character on the incense burner marked “Hampyeong gungju bang” with standard Siddhaṃ script and the Siddhaṃ script as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana The (pa) character is composed of four strokes. In standard Siddhaṃ script, the first stroke is long (), but on the “Hampyeong gungju bang”-inscribed incense burner it is very brief, showing a clear distinction, and all the strokes are rather thickly treated overall (). Hence, the script style of the (pa) character on the incense burner is seen to resemble the same character as it appears in the Commentary on Major Characters of the Siddhaṃ Script Used in the Vajraśekhara Sūtra in the Tripiṭaka Koreana(). The (va) character on the incense burner presumed to be from Yongmunsa Temple has a long initial stroke relative to the way it is depicted in standard Siddhaṃ script, while the third and fourth strokes are smoothly joined with no sense of interruption between the two, similarly to the treatment of the (va) character in the Chapter on Major Characters of the Siddhaṃ Script Used in the Vajraśekhara Sūtra in the Tripiṭaka Koreana (Illustration 15). Illustration 15. Comparison of a Sanskrit character on the incense burner presumed to be from Yongmunsa Temple with standard Siddhaṃ script and Siddhaṃ script as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana The Sanskrit characters found on the incense burner inscribed with “fourth Zhizheng year, Jungheungsa” appear to be in a different script than that applied in the Tripiṭaka Koreana. A comparison of the (ya) character on the incense burner with standard Siddhaṃ script, the Rañjanā script on the Bell from Yeonboksa Temple (演福寺), and the Siddhaṃ script appearing in the Tripiṭaka Koreana shows that it most closely resembles the Rañjanā script used on the Bell from Yeonboksa Temple. It is believed to be the sole example of this type of script on a silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan (Illustration 16). Illustration 16. Comparison of a Sanskrit character on the incense burner inscribed with “fourth Zhizheng year, Jungheungsa” with standard Siddhaṃ script, Siddhaṃ script as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana, and the script on the Bell from Yeonboksa Temple The above comparison of script styles used for the Sanskrit characters inlaid in silver on Goryeo bronze hyangwan with standard Siddhaṃ script and the Siddham4 script as it appears in the Tripiṭaka Koreana reveals that in general the Sanskrit characters on silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan more closely resembles the style of the Tripiṭaka Koreana. This indicates that the Tripiṭaka Koreana, a complete Buddhist canon carved during the Goryeo dynasty, provided source material for the Sanskrit characters on the incense burners. Under the influence of the Yuan dynasty, Sanskrit characters in the Rañjanā script began to appear on Goryeo incense burners from the fourteenth century, but from the twelfth to the mid- to late fourteenth century, the main script applied was Siddhaṃ in the Tripiṭaka Koreana style. Conclusion Throughout the Goryeo dynasty, a wide range of Buddhist ceremonies and rites were performed, the opening of which were commonly signaled with the burning of incense. The Buddhist incense burners produced during the Goryeo period inherited and built upon the Unified Silla tradition, but new and original forms were developed, as clearly demonstrated by various remaining examples. The heritage of the Unified Silla tradition was manifested in two aspects, that is, some incense burners were produced in precisely the forms established during the preceding period, while others were grounded in tradition but introduced further changes. The Goryeo incense burners with a handle and lion weight belong in the former category, while hyangwan pertain to the latter. Even among incense burners with a handle and lion weight, a shift toward Goryeo production methods becomes apparent between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. Hyangwan, the major incense burner type of the Goryeo dynasty, is in fact rooted in Unified Silla tradition, but evolved over time to form conventions of its own that were eventually passed on to the succeeding Joseon dynasty. It is these hyangwan decorated with silver inlay and the hanging incense burners known as hyeonno that most clearly speak for the originality of Goryeo incense burners. Unlike incense burners with and without a handle, the hanging incense burner is a type that has no foundation in the Buddhist sūtras. In this regard, it is an original creation of the Goryeo people. It is believed to have been used in certain ceremonies such as the Amitābha Buddha Dharma Assembly. When the designs on the silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan are examined through extant examples, the design scheme that can be first identified on the “fourth Dading year” incense burner from 1164 is seen to have been perfected and firmly established by 1218, as witnessed in the incense burner inscribed with “sixth Zhenyou year.” All the silver-inlaid incense burners produced thereafter featured similar surface designs. The ruyi heads forming a circular frame around the Sanskrit characters represent not only the most distinctive design motif among silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan, but also provides the most important stylistic indicator for distinguishing Goryeo works from their Joseon counterparts. The decoration of hyangwan with Sanskrit characters in silver inlay is an original element unique to Goryeo works. The combination of four Sanskrit syllables in some cases expresses a specific meaning, but at other times provides simply a collection of words of praise. In either case, the characters seem to relate the wishes of the Goryeo people in the context of Buddhism. On certain incense burners, the Sanskrit characters appear to reflect the influence of the Yuan dynasty. In addition, a comparison of the characters used on silver-inlaid Goryeo bronze hyangwan shows that the script is based on the version of Siddhaṃ script that was used to carve the Tripiṭaka Koreana. The incense burners of the Goryeo dynasty served an intermediary role in the transition from incense burners reflecting the Unified Silla tradition to the incense burners of the subsequent Joseon dynasty. Over this process, the Goryeo people showed considerable originality despite their deference to tradition, as manifested in the hyangwan that established a unique tradition eventually transmitted to Joseon. Goryeo Buddhist incense burners hold great significance for being markedly Korean but quintessentially Buddhist in character, distinct from what was found in neighboring states at the time, and in this lies their originality.
January 2015, vol.9, pp.109-128 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2015.v9_08
Suryukjae (水陸齋) is a major Korean Buddhist ritual intended to guide the souls of the departed to Paradise. Performance of the ritual, which had been transmitted to Korea from China during the Goryeo Dynasty (高麗, 918 – 1392), became widespread in the succeeding Joseon Dynasty (朝鮮, 1392 – 1910). As indicated by its name, which means ritual for the “deliverance of creatures of water and land,” the Suryukjae ritual brings together entities of opposite nature—the living and the dead, for example, and the enlightened (Buddhas and bodhisattvas) and the unenlightened (sentient beings). A ritual of equality and non-distinction, it features a symbolic, well-developed narrative supported by artistic, musical, and dance elements. Suryukjae rituals performed early in the Joseon period can be interpreted as attempts by King Taejo (太祖, r. 1392 – 1398), founder of the Joseon Dynasty, to appease the souls of the Goryeo royal family members that he killed in the process of founding a new dynasty. The rituals also served to promote social cohesion and to solidify the foundations of the nation. For this reason, the Suryukjae ritual was frequently performed on a grand scale by state officials during the early Joseon period. Once Neo-Confucianism had been firmly established as the underlying ideology of the Joseon social order, however, this ritual was performed less frequently under state sponsorship, but it remained popular among the general public. Extant Suryukjae ritual manuals suggest that such texts were actively published throughout the nation from the fifteenth through the eighteenth century. This article reconstructs the structure and arrangement of the Suryukjae ritual through the examination of relevant Buddhist paintings in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. Most of the related paintings were acquired one-by-one beginning in the 1990s and, though related to the Suryukjae ritual, they are unrelated in date of creation and place of use. Even so, the various types of the Suryukjae-related paintings in the museum collection will play a significant role in future research and exhibitions, as the ritual is gaining renewed popularity today. An examination of those paintings that relate to each step of the Suryukjae ritual will deepen understanding of the ritual itself and the related artworks. The Procedures and Narrative of the Suryukjae Ritual Numerous ritual manuals describe the procedures of the Suryukjae ritual. Typically edited by monks, Suryukjae ritual manuals published in Korea are organized differently from those published in China. Major manuals from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries include Suryukjae mucha pyeongdeung jaeui chwaryo (水陸無遮平等齋儀撮要, Ritual for Water and Land as an Unobstructed, Equal Ritual; hereafter “Chwaryo”)1 and Cheonji myeongyang suryuk jaeui chanyo (天地冥陽水陸齋儀纂要, Ritual for Heaven and Earth, the Netherworld and This World, and Water and Land; hereafter “Chanyo”).2 All of these records tell a similar story and assist in understanding the development of the Suryukjae narrative. Other ritual manuals published in the eighteenth century, such as Cheonji myeongyang suryuk jaeui beomeum sanbojip (天地冥陽水陸齋儀梵音刪補集, Collection of Sanskrit Sounds for the Ritual for Heaven and Earth, the Netherworld and This World, and Water and Land; hereafter “Beomeum sanbojip”),3 include excerpts from various Suryukjae records. Though not a Suryukje ritual manual, the nineteenth-century Jakbeop gwigam (作法龜鑑, Model for the Performance of Rituals) serves as an important historical reference on various Buddhist rituals and the litanies used. The major ritual manual from the twentieth century, Seongmun uibeom (釋門儀範, Rules for Buddhist Rituals) is similar in composition to Jakbeop gwigam but contains separate section on the Suryukjae ritual. It is difficult to present a single, fixed liturgy for the Suryukjae ritual because procedures differ slightly according to the manual consulted and the chronological period involved (as changes occurred over time). To enhance understanding of the ritual, reference is made to two interpretations of the Suryukjae ritual that have been revived today: the ritual as performed at Jingwansa Temple (津寬寺) in Eunpyeong-gu, Seoul, and the ritual as performed at Samhwasa Temple (三和寺) in Samcheok, Gangwon Province. The procedures and narrative structure of these two contemporaneous interpretations of the Suryukjae ritual are as follows: 1. Siryeon (侍輦, Escorting the deities on the palanquin): Monks carry a palanquin outside the temple gate in order to escort to the ritual site the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, lonely spirits (孤魂), and other beings invited to participate in the rite (Fig. 1). Fig. 1. Siryeon (Ushering in on the palanquin), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 2. Daeryeong (對靈, Greeting the lonely spirits): The lonely spirits are invoked and given an offering of tea. These spirits still retain the suffering and karma of past lives, which requires them to wait outside the inner gate of the temple (Fig. 2). Fig. 2. Daeryeong (Greeting the spirits), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 3. Gwanyok (灌浴, Bathing): Ceremonial cleansing of the spirits of the deceased to signify the washing away of past karma and suffering. Separate bathing places are prepared for male and female spirits, and for those of high rank and those of low rank. Bathing utensils are also laid out, including towels, willow branches (in place of toothbrushes), mirrors, paper clothes, and basins. The ritual manuals indicate that Buddhas and bodhisattvas were ceremonially bathed as a gesture of respect, rather than to wash away the suffering and karma of past lives (Fig. 3). Fig. 3. Gwanyokso (Bathing place), Suryukjae held at Samhwasa Temple, Donghae (Author’s photograph) 4. Gwaebul iun (掛佛移運, Transporting the hanging scroll): In this rite, the gwaebul (掛佛), which is a large Buddhist hanging scroll intended for use in outdoor ceremonies, is carried to the ritual site to be installed on the platform, symbolizing both the arrival and the presence of the Buddha as the most important figure in the rite (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Gwaebul iun (Setting up the gwaebul painting), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 5. Yeongsan jakbeop (靈山作法, Vulture Peak rite): This rite is a symbolic reenactment of Shakyamuni Buddha’s sermon on the Vulture Peak in India. It comprises an invocation of the Buddhas Shakyamuni, Prabhutaratna, and Amitabha, and the bodhisattvas Manjushri, Samantabhadra, Avalokitesvara, and Mahasthamaprapta; a recitation of sutras; and the presentation of offerings to the deities (Fig. 5). Fig. 5. Yeongsan jakpbeop (Vulture Peak rite), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 6. Sajadan (使者壇, Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time): In this rite, the Messenger of the Years, the Messenger of the Months, the Messenger of the Days, and the Messenger of the Hours are invoked and implored to spread word to the beings of all levels of existence that the Suryukjae ritual is to be performed (Fig. 6). Fig. 6. Sajadan (Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 7. Orodan (五路壇, Opening the roads in five directions): The Emperors of the Five Directions (South, North, East, West, and Center) are invoked and beseeched to open the roads in all five directions so that sentient beings of the land can reach the site of the Suryukjae ritual unobstructed (Fig. 7). Fig. 7. Orodan (Opening the roads in the five directions), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 8. Sangdan gwongong (上壇勸供, Offerings to the uppermost altar): Buddhas, bodhisattvas, sages, and the Three Jewels of Buddhism (representing the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, or Monastic Community), who occupy the uppermost altar, are invoked and given offerings of food (Fig. 8). Fig. 8. Sangdan gwongong (Offerings to the uppermost altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 9. Jungdan gwongong (中壇勸供, Offerings to the middle altar): The Three Bodhisattvas who occupy the middle altar—Divyagarbhah Bodhisattva and the retinue of heaven; Dharanimdhara and the retinue of earth; and Ksitigarbha and the retinue of the underworld—are invoked and given offerings of food (Fig. 9). Fig. 9. Jungdan gwongong (Offerings to the middle altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 10. Hadan sisik (下壇施食, Offerings to the lowermost altar): The lonely spirits, who occupy the lowermost altar, are invoked and offered food (Fig. 10). Fig. 10. Hadan sisik (Feeding the lonely spirits at the lowermost altar), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) 11. Bongsong hoehyang (奉送回向, Dismissal): When the ceremony has been completed, all the beings participating in Suryukjae ritual are dismissed. This is symbolically expressed by burning spirit tablets, banners, flowers, and other accoutrements used in the ritual (Fig. 11). Fig. 11. Bongsong hoehyang (Dismissal), Suryukjae held at Jingwansa Temple, Seoul (Author’s photograph) Buddhist Paintings and Suryukjae Rituals Connection between Buddhist Paintings and Suryukjae Rituals The close connection between Buddhist paintings and Suryukjae rituals is evinced by a number of Buddhist paintings that depict or directly relate to the contents of the ritual. Such paintings are not necessarily devoted exclusively to the Suryukjae ritual, so the Suryukjae ritual must be examined in relation to other Buddhist rituals. Gwaebul, the large hanging scrolls usually used in outdoor ceremonies, for example, were used in Suryukjae rituals as well as in such other large outdoor events as the Giujae (祈雨齋, rainmaking ritual), Yesujae (豫修齋, rite for purification of the body and spirit before death), Sasipgujae (四十九齋, rite for the 49th day after death), and Seongdojae (成道齋, commemoration of Buddha’ s enlightenment) (Lee Youngsook 2003, 42-45). The Amitabha Triad, Seven Buddhas, and lonely spirits who appear in Nectar Ritual paintings (甘露圖, gamnodo) are mentioned in Suryukjae manuals, but are also frequently mentioned in manuals for other rituals offering food to the souls of the deceased. It can therefore be assumed that Nectar Ritual paintings were used in Suryukjae ceremonies as well as in offering rituals of smaller scale. In short, not all Buddhist ritual paintings were used in Suryukjae ceremonies, nor were Suryukjae paintings used in all Buddhist rituals. Suryukjae ceremonies are large in scale, involve numerous individuals, and require significant time and resources. The ritual encompasses many different rites for the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, souls of the deceased, and lonely spirits. An examination of Buddhist paintings in the context of the Suryukjae ritual is thus necessary for understanding Buddhist ritual paintings of the Joseon Dynasty. Apart from paintings, such ritual accoutrements as palanquins and spirit tablets also played an important role in the Suryukje ritual, as briefly explained below. Buddhist Paintings and Ritual Accoutrements Used in Suryukjae Rituals 1. Ushering in on the Palanquin (Siryeon), Greeting the Spirits (Daeryeong), and Bathing (Gwanyok) 1) Palanquin Siryeon is the symbolic ushering in on a palanquin (輦) of the deities and spirits. The inscriptions on extant ritual palanquins—such as “upper jade palanquin” (上位玉輦), “middle palanquin” (中輦), and “lower palanquin” (下輦)—refer to the position of the entity within the palanquin during the rite (i.e., uppermost altar, middle altar, or lowermost altar), and indicate that the palanquins were divided into three types for the different altars, respectively. Although the collection of the National Museum of Korea lacks any such palanquins, a representative example of a Buddhist ritual palanquin is preserved at Buryeongsa Temple (佛影寺) in Uljin, North Gyeongsang Province; this particular palanquin dates to 1670 (Fig. 12). Fig. 12. Palanquin at Buryeongsa Temple, Uljin. 1670 (Cultural Heritage Administration) 2) Painting of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva In Buddhist rites, when appropriate to invoke the souls of the deceased, the master of the rites calls to the souls who have been met by the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva (引路王菩薩) and requests that they pay their respects to the Three Jewels. In advance of appearing before the Three Jewels, however, the souls of the deceased require the intervention and assistance of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, who eventually will also guide them to Paradise. Moved by equality, we offer this food without discrimination and hang the banner of the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva and recite the secret words as we invoke the spirits of the dead. We pray that with the power of the supernatural the crowds will gather at this site and taste the nectar and delectable food, and receive the precepts of the Bodhi tree... With one heart we invoke thee three times. With one heart we believe in and invoke the Great Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, carrying a jeweled parasol and wearing a flower garland, who guides clean souls to Paradise and the souls of the dead on the blue lotus platform. We pray that you will take pity on all sentient beings and descend on this site. “今乃 運平等心 設食無遮 爲汝竪引路神幡 爲汝誦招魂密語 願承呪力 雲集道場 享甘露之羞 受菩提之戒法...謹秉一心 先陳三請 南無一心奉請 手擎寶蓋 身掛花鬘 導淸魂於極樂界中 引亡靈向碧蓮臺畔 大聖引路王菩薩 摩訶薩 惟願慈悲 憐愍有情 降臨道場” (Yim Jonguk 2007, 89-90 and 247-248) Typically symbolized by a ritual banner embroidered with his name (南無大聖引路王菩薩), the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva is occasionally depicted in paintings as well. The collection of the National Museum of Korea includes a painting entitled Soul-guiding Bodhisattva, which was acquired in 2010 (Fig. 13). Although usually depicted with a banner to guide the souls, in this painting, the Soul-guiding Bodhisattva clasps his hands together before his chest and is poised to move forward, flanked by the banners carried by the youthful monk and nun. Most of the text originally inscribed on the painting have been lost, but the characters “乾隆” (Qianlong) remain legible, indicating that the work dates to the Qianlong era (1736 – 1795) of China’s Qing dynasty (清, 1644 – 1912). Fig. 13. Soul-guiding Bodhisattva. Joseon, 1736 – 1795. Color on silk, 55 × 37.6cm (National Museum of Korea) 3) Spirit Tablets and Votive Tablets Though identical in appearance, spirit tablets (位牌) and votive tablets (願牌) have different functions. A spirit tablet symbolizes a particular subject according to the name inscribed on it—a deity or the soul of a deceased relative, for example—while a votive tablet is inscribed with prayers and wishes. Both spirit tablets and votive tablets are permanently enshrined on altars or are used in special ceremonies, such as the Suryukjae and other rituals. According to Suryukjae ritual manuals, all three levels of beings can be symbolized with spirit tablets: the Buddhas and Three Jewels of the uppermost altar, the Three Bodhisattvas of the middle altar, and the lonely spirits and spirits of the deceased of the lowermost altar. Paintings of the Buddhas, bodhisattvas, and lonely spirits could have served the same function, but portable symbolic devices were required in order to permit the subjects of the rituals to be moved for different rites and procedures, such as the invocation and the arrival of the subjects at the ritual, bathing, worship of the Buddhas and bodhisattvas, and the dismissal. Beomeum sanbojip, a ritual manual published in 1721 at Jungheungsa Temple (重興寺) on Mt. Samgak, Seoul, contains various instructions indicating that the spirit tablets were physically carried and moved during the proceedings, such as “Take up the tablet of Buddha and enter the bathing room” (奉佛牌 入於浴室), “Take up the tablets of the Tripitaka Bodhisattvas and enter the bathing room” (奉三藏牌 入於浴室) and “Take up the tablet of the lonely spirits and move forward to the food-offering altar” (侍位板 詣施食壇) (Kim Dujae 2012, 138, 147 and 155). The National Museum of Korea possesses a tablet inscribed “十方三寶慈尊,” which translates into English as “Three Jewels of the ten directions” (Fig. 15). Often called the “Ritual Tablet of the Three Jewels,” this tablet symbolizes the Three Jewels of Buddhism (the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha), the beings invoked on the uppermost altar in various Buddhist rites as an object of worship. Tongdosa Museum at Tongdosa Temple (通度寺聖寶博物館) in Yangsan, South Gyeongsang Province, has two spirit tablets of the Three Jewels; one is similar in shape to the tablet in the National Museum of Korea, and the other is dated to 1684. The same museum also has a spirit tablet bearing an inscription that reads “十類孤魂等衆,” a reference to the lonely spirits, which indicates that the tablet belonged on the lowermost altar. Votive tablets often occur in sets of three and bear inscribed prayers for the longevity of the king (“主上殿下壽萬歲”), the queen (“王妃殿下壽齊年”), and the crown prince (“世子邸下壽千秋”). It is assumed that, under normal usage, these tablets were enshrined indoors on the altar and taken outdoors to the ritual altar only for special ceremonies. The 1890 Nectar Ritual painting of Buramsa Temple (佛巖寺) in Namyangju, Gyeonggi Province, depicts two votive tablets at the top of the ritual altar; it is assumed that those tablets bear inscribed prayers for the longevity of the king and queen (Fig. 14). The 1892 Nectar Ritual painting belonging to Bongeunsa Temple (奉恩寺), Seoul, depicts votive tables on the altar, the tablets offering prayers for the longevity of the king, queen, and crown prince as well as the queen dowager. Fig. 14. Votive tablet on the altar, detail from Nectar Ritual at Buramsa Temple. Joseon, 1890. Color on silk, 165.5 × 195.0cm. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 33 (한국의 불화 33) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 2004, Fig. 61) Fig. 15. Ritual Tablet of the Three Jewels of the Ten Directions. Joseon. Wood. Height: 41cm (National Museum of Korea) The collection of the National Museum of Korea includes the Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the King (Fig. 16) and the Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the Crown Prince (Fig. 17). An inscription on the underside of the pedestal of the votive tablet for the king dates the tablet to 1701. Fig. 16. Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the King. Joseon, 1701. Wood. Height: 86cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 17. Votive Tablet with Inscription Wishing for the Longevity of the Crown Prince. Joseon, 1701. Wood. Height: 79.6cm (National Museum of Korea) 2. Moving the Hanging Scroll (Gwaebul iun) and the Vulture Peak Rite (Yeongsan jakbeop) Large hanging scroll paintings, or gwaebul, are featured in two parts of the Suryukjae ritual: the rite of carrying the hanging scroll to the area where the ritual will be performed and the Vulture Peak rite. Manuals devoted to the Suryukjae ritual generally do not mention or describe these two procedures. Though not necessarily associated exclusively with the Suryukjae ritual, these procedures were performed as preparatory ceremonies before the ritual proper, particularly before the Suryukjae and Yesujae rituals. The relevance of gwaebul paintings to the Suryukjae ritual is demonstrated by the inscriptions on the Gwaebul of Jeokcheonsa Temple (磧川寺) in Cheongdo, North Gyeongsang Province (dated to 1695), and the Gwaebul of the Magoksa Temple (麻谷寺) in Gongju, South Chungcheong Province (dated to 1832). The inscription on the former states that a Suryukjae ritual was performed to commemorate the completion of the painting and that the painting was subsequently used in the rite. The inscription on the latter states that the painting was repaired in 1831 when the first story of the two-story Daeungbojeon (大雄寶殿), the main hall of the temple, was repaired, and that it was taken out again for use in the Suryukjae ritual in the fourth month of the following year (Kim Jeonghui 2004, 18-19). The National Museum of Korea owns the Gwaebul (dated to 1684) from Buseoksa Temple (浮石寺) in Yeongju, North Gyeongsang Province (Fig. 18). Fig.18. Gwaebul from Buseoksa Temple. Joseon, 1684. Color on silk, 925 × 577.5cm (National Museum of Korea) 3. Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time (Sajadan) and the Rite for the Emperors of the Five Directions (Orodan) Preparatory procedures performed before the Suryukjae ritual proper, the Rite for the Messengers of the Four Units of Time (Sajadan) and the Rite for the Emperors of the Five Directions (Orodan) are described in all Suryukjae manuals. Many extant paintings depicting the Messengers and the Emperors, the subjects of these rites, likely were used in the Suryukjae rituals. The Messengers of the Four Units of Time bear a superficial resemblance to the Messengers from the Underworld—Jikbusaja (直符使者) and Gamjaesaja (監齊使者)—and thus the Messengers of the Four Units of Time have been perceived as messengers sent from the underworld to the homes of the dead to evaluate and confirm their deeds in life. Even so, the Messengers from the Underworld are usually depicted as a pair, while the four messengers always appear as a group in Suryukjae ritual manuals, suggesting that the Messengers of the Four Units of Time actually are distinct from the Messengers from the Underworld. In the litanies of Suryukjae rituals, the Messengers of the Four Units of Time are addressed as follows: With one heart we call on the Messenger of Heaven and the Years, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Air and the Months, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Land and the Days, With one heart we call on the Messenger of the Underworld and the Hours. “一心奉請 年直四天使者 一心奉請 月直空行使者 一心奉請 日直地行使者 一心奉請 時直琰魔使者” (Kim Dujae 2011, 584). The Messengers of the Four Units of Time...have become messengers bearing a secret message from heaven to the human world... We ask that you now carry this notice to the underworld, riding on the clouds, and quickly convey the message. “執天上之符文 作人間之捷使...更請從容 文牒幸謝於賚持 雲程願希於馳赴” (Kim Dujae 2011, 522 and 524). As we send this document we pray that with the power of the Three Jewels you will travel all over the world and do as we ask with all the sincerity of your hearts. “發送啓文 願承三寶之威光 歷徧十方之世界 凡當所請 盡達至誠” (Yim Jonguk 2007, 41 and 290). The Emperors of the Five Directions are the deities who control North, South, East, West, and Center. In the litanies of Suryukjae rituals, they are addressed as follows: With one heart we call on the Emperor of the East, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the South, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the West, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the North, With one heart we call on the Emperor of the Center. “一心奉請 東方句芒輔弼 太皥之君 一心奉請 南方祝融輔弼 炎帝之君 一心奉請 西方蓐收輔弼 少皥之君 一心奉請 北方玄冥輔弼 顓頊之君 一心奉請 中方飛簾輔弼 黃帝之君”(Kim Dujae 2011, 585-586). If by chance the roads in the five directions are not opened, we are concerned that it will be difficult for all sundry spirits to gather here... As the human world and heaven and hell, devils and asuras have not yet reached the level of saints, how can they possess majesty and divine powers? It is our concern that they will face obstacles and problems at every pass... We pray that as the deities controlling the five directions you will open wide all the doors leading to enlightenment. “若不開於五路 恐難集於萬靈 由是 謹具香燈 先伸供養 切以 人天地獄 鬼畜修羅 未登聖位之流 豈有威神之力 經歷分野 慮有障違...惟願五方地主 五位神祇 大開方便之門” (Kim Dujae 2011, 526; Yim Jonguk 2007, 43 and 287-288) As indicated by the texts above, at the beginning of the Suryukjae ritual the Messengers of the Four Units of Time carry a message to the underworld announcing that the ritual will be performed. Their names—Messenger of Heaven and the Years, Messenger of the Air and the Months, Messenger of the Land and the Days, and Messenger of the Underworld and the Hours—are symbolic of time and space. Also at the beginning of the ritual, the Emperors of the Five Directions open the roads in the five directions in order to enable all beings invited to the rite to attend freely. The five directions are symbolic of all directions. Therefore, the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions symbolize the universal and open characteristics of the Suryukjae ritual. Paintings of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and of the Emperors of the Five Directions were used in two preparatory procedures of the Suryukjae ritual: Sajadan and Orodan. Paintings on these themes first appeared in written records from the sixteenth century, but the oldest extant examples are the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. Preserved at Gaesimsa Temple (開心寺) in Seosan, South Chungcheong Province, the two paintings, both of which date to 1676, were designated as Korean National Treasures in 2012. In general, each of the four messengers and five emperors is represented in a separate scroll; however, as with the Gaesimsa paintings, they are sometimes depicted in groups. The National Museum of Korea possesses a painting titled Messengers of the Four Units of Time, which depicts all four figures together in one composition (Fig. 19). The scroll has sustained damage, and some pigment has flaked off; even so, it is not difficult to imagine the painting’s original appearance. Infra-red photographic analysis of the traces of ink at the bottom revealed an inscription reading “康〇二〇六年歲在丁卯七月日造成也,” which indicates that the painting was produced in 1687, using the Chinese Kangxi era (康熙, 1662-1722) for dating purposes. This is the earliest known painting representing the Messengers of the Four Units of Time; its grouping of all four messengers in a single composition further underscores its rarity. The National Museum of Korea collection also includes a painting of one of the Five Emperors, though the identity of the emperor depicted is uncertain (as it lacks both inscription and identifying attributes) (Fig. 20). Fig. 19. Messengers of the Four Units of Time. Joseon, 1687. Color on silk, 110 × 120.5cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 20. Emperors of the Five Directions. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on silk, 87.2 × 61.2cm (National Museum of Korea) 4. Uppermost Altar Rite (Sangdan gwongong) The uppermost altar of the Suryukjae ritual is centered on the triad of Vairocana, Rocana and Sakyamuni Buddhas, as indicated by numerous gwaebul paintings featuring this triad. The uppermost altar rite focuses on worship of the Buddha, though there is some overlap with the Vulture Peak rite (Yeongsan jakbeop), which focuses on Shakyamuni. Gwaebul paintings featuring Shakyamuni’s sermon on Vulture Peak show the influence of the Vulture Peak rite. Occasionally, more than four Buddhas appear in one gwaebul painting, which likely reflects the people’s desire to include as many as possible of the diverse Buddhas that appear in the litanies of the rituals. The Gwaebul from Buseoksa Temple in the National Museum of Korea features numerous Buddhas, with Vairocana, Shakyamuni, Amitabha, and Bhaisajyaguru as central figures. 5. Middle Altar Rite (Jungdan gwongong) The middle altar of the Suryukjae ritual depicts the Bodhisattvas of the Three Realms and their retinues. According to Suryukjae ritual manuals, the triad comprises Divyagarbhah (天藏菩薩, Heaven-store Bodhisattva), Dharanimdhara (持地菩薩, Earth-holding Bodhisattva), and Ksitigarbha (地藏菩薩, Earth-store Bodhisattva). Suryukjae ritual manuals demonstrate that the following litany was recited after invoking the names of the Three Bodhisattvas (Kim Dujae 2011, 534 and 536; Yim Jonguk 2007, 68 and 269): I take refuge in Divyagarbhah. I take refuge in Dharanimdhara. I take refuge in Ksitigarbha. “南無天藏菩薩 南無地持菩薩 南無地藏菩薩”(Kim Dujae 2012, 145 and 150). The painting of the Three Bodhisattvas is placed on the middle altar. The earliest known Korean painting of these bodhisattvas is Divyagarbhah dated to 1541, which is preserved at Tamon-ji Temple (多聞寺) in Higashikurume, Tokyo, Japan. Some sixty Joseon-period paintings of the Three Bodhisattvas are known. In 2010 the National Museum of Korea acquired one work titled Three Bodhisattvas (Fig. 21). Any inscription that originally might have been associated with the painting has disappeared, so the exact date of production is impossible to know from textual sources, but the painting’s style and composition suggest that it likely was produced in the eighteenth century. Following the usual compositional organization, Divyagarbhah is featured in the middle, Dharanimdhara to the right, and Ksitigarbha to the left. Fig.21. Three Bodhisattvas. Joseon, 18th century. Color on silk, 214.5 × 213cm (National Museum of Korea) 6. Lowermost Altar Rite (Hadan Sisik) 1) Nectar Ritual Painting The Nectar Ritual painting is the one most closely associated with the lowermost altar. Many studies have examined Nectar Ritual paintings in relation to the litanies of the Suryukjae ritual. Descriptions in ritual manuals of the lowermost-altar subjects in the Suryukjae ritual reveal the close relationship to the iconography of Nectar Ritual paintings. The subjects of the lowermost altar listed in the Chanyo mostly coincide with the subjects found at the bottom of Nectar Ritual paintings (Yun Eunhui 2003, 29-32). Aside from those at the bottom, other iconographic elements in other areas of the paintings also show a close connection with the content of Suryukjae ritual manuals, making it clear that the Suryukjae ritual played a decisive role in establishing the iconography of Nectar Ritual paintings (Kim Seunghee 2009, 113-154). Table 1. Names and Functions of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas Category Name Function Seven Buddhas Five Buddhas Dabo Buddha (多寶如來, Prabhutaratna, Abundant Treasures Buddha) Helps lonely spirits break the chain of greed and receive the Buddha's teachings as blessings and virtue Myosaeksin Buddha (妙色 身如來, Surupakaya, Fine Form Body Buddha) Removes the ugliness from lonely spirits so that they may obtain a perfect appearance Gwangbaksin Buddha (廣 博身如來, Vipulakaya, Broad and Extensive Body Buddha) Helps sentient beings still in the samsara cycle of transmigration, or birth and rebirth, to free themselves of their bodies and realize that they are free and unobstructed beings Ipo-oe Buddha (離怖畏如 來, Abhayamkara, Buddha Freed from Fear) Removes all fears so that the lonely spirits may have the joy of reaching Nirvana Gamnowang Buddha (甘露 王如來, Amrtaraja) Opens the mouths and throats of lonely spirits so that they may taste the necta Boseung Buddha (寶昇如 來, Ratnaketu, Jewel-born Buddha) Leads spirits to leave unwanted paths as they will on the cycle of transmigration Amitabha Buddha (阿彌陀如來) Enables sentient beings to reach Nirvana and enter Paradise as they will The National Museum of Korea owns three Nectar Ritual scrolls: a Nectar Ritual presumed to date to the sixteenth century, donated by Ejima Kodo (江島孝導) in 2010 (Fig. 22); a Nectar Ritual from Boseoksa Temple (寶石寺) in Geumsan, South Chungcheong Province, which bears an inscription dated to 1649 (Fig. 23); and a Nectar Ritual, believed to date to the eighteenth century (Fig. 24). Fig. 22. Nectar Ritual. Joseon, 16th century. Color on hemp, 240 × 246cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 23. Nectar Ritual from Boseoksa Temple. Joseon, 1649. Color on hemp, 220 × 235cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 24. Nectar Ritual. Joseon, 18th century. Color on hemp, 200.7 × 193cm (National Museum of Korea) 2) Paintings of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas The Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas appearing on the uppermost altar of Nectar Ritual paintings are represented by banners depicting the same figures in the Suryukjae ritual. References to the invocation of the Five Buddhas and the Seven Buddhas occur in all ritual manuals and litanies for offering food to the spirits at the lowermost altar. The role of these deities is to provide nectar to lonely spirits in order to save them and to lead them to rebirth in Paradise. Their names and functions are listed in the table below. The Five Buddhas painting preserved at Tongdosa Temple and the Seven Buddhas scroll preserved at Namjangsa Temple (南長寺) in Sangju, North Gyeongsang Province, are exceptional examples of full sets of Buddhas. The National Museum of Korea has separate paintings of several of the Buddhas but does not own a full set of either group. The museum collection includes one Gwangbaksin Buddha (Fig. 25), and one each of Boseung Buddha (Fig. 26) and Ipo-oe Buddha (Fig. 27) from a set of the Seven Buddhas. In 2008 the National Museum of Korea purchased a painting of Myosaeksin Buddha (Fig. 28), and in 2013 it acquired the 1806 painting of Dabo Buddha (Fig. 29) from the same set of Seven Buddhas. These two paintings are of the approximately same size and style as the painting of Boseung Buddha (Fig. 30) in the Tongdosa Museum. The inscriptions on the paintings prove that the same artists were involved in the production of all three works, thus confirming that these three paintings, all found in different places, originally belonged to the same set. The inscription on the newly acquired Dabo Buddha indicates that it was produced in 1806. Fig. 25. Gwangbaksin Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 120 × 48.5cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 26. Boseung Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 102.7 × 48.2cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 27. Ipo-oe Buddha. Late Joseon Dynasty. Color on paper, 100.3 × 46.1cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 28. Myosaeksin Buddha. Joseon, Color on silk, 1806. 139 × 68cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 29. Dabo Buddha. Joseon, 1806. Color on silk, 122 × 58cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 30. Boseung Buddha. Joseon, 1806. Color on silk, 122 × 62cm. Tongdosa Museum (Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 2 (한국의 불화 2) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 1996, Fig. 75) Acquired in 2010, the most complete set in the National Museum of Korea includes four of the Seven Buddhas—Boseung, Gwangbaksin, Ipo-oe and Gamnowang Buddhas (Figs. 31-34). The inscription on Gamnowang Buddha (“八金剛四菩...”) shows that the Seven Buddhas were painted at the same time as a set of the Eight Vajra Guardians and that of the Four Bodhisattvas. Fig. 31. Boseung Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig.32. Gwangbaksin Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 33. Ipo-oe Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 34. Gamnowang Buddha. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on silk, 110 × 54cm (National Museum of Korea) 3) Eight Vajra Guardians and Four Bodhisattvas The Eight Vajra Guardians are mentioned in the Diamond Sutra (金剛般若波羅蜜經) as guardians of people upholding and reciting the sutra. Among the Buddhist ritual paintings discovered at Gaesimsa Temple, Eight Vajra Guardians produced in 1772 bears an inscription that, in part, translates “When this gwaebul was painted, among the guardian deities Brahma, Sakra Devanam Indra, the Eight Vajra Guardians, and the Four Bodhisattvas...” (“掛佛幀造成時 擁護神衆 大梵帝釋 八大金剛 四位菩薩...”), which indicates that smaller paintings of these guardian deities were produced at the same time as the gwaebul for large-scale outdoor rituals like the Suryukjae ritual. In 2010, the National Museum of Korea acquired three of the Eight Vajra Guardians: Hwangsugu (Vajra of All Wish Fulfillment) (Fig. 35), Baekjeongsu (Vajra of Removing All Troubles) (Fig. 36), and Jeokseonghwa (Vajra of Penetrating Brightness) (Fig. 37). These three paintings appear to be part of the same set as the painting of an unnamed vajra deity in the collection of Dongguk University Museum, Seoul (Fig. 38). The National Museum of Korea also houses two paintings from a set of the Eight Vajra Guardians (Figs. 39 and 40) and two from a set of the Four Bodhisattvas (Figs. 41 and 42). Fig. 35. Eight Vajra Guardians (Hwangsugu). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 36. Eight Vajra Guardians (Baekjeongsu). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 37. Eight Vajra Guardians (Jeokseonghwa). Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 99 × 60cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 38. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 18th – 19th century. Color on paper, 100 × 61cm. Dongguk University Museum. Buddhist Painting of Korea vol. 18 (한국의 불화 8) (Seoul: Research Institute of Sungbo Cultural Heritage, 1996, Fig. 47) Fig. 39. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 123 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 40. Eight Vajra Guardians. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 123 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Fig. 41. Four Bodhisattvas. Joseon, 19th – 20th century. Color on paper, 118 × 67cm (National Museum of Korea) Reconstruction of the Suryukjae Ritual It is difficult to ascertain exactly how the Suryukjae ritual was performed in the Joseon Dynasty and how it might have appeared; even so, it is possible to reconstruct, at least to some extent, the arrangement of the ritual site according to charts found in ritual manuals and temple layout plans from the time the Suryukjae ritual was most widely performed. The following organizational charts from the Beomeum sanbojip represent the basic source of information: “Organizational Chart of the Seventeen Altars for Suryukjae Over Three Days and Three Nights” from the 1721 version of Jungheungsa Temple and “Organizational Chart of the Twelve Altars for Suryukjae Over Three Days and Three Nights” from the 1739 version of Dorimsa Temple in Gokseong, South Jeolla Province (Fig. 43). In these charts, the uppermost, middle, and lowermost altars are all labeled as such. Though the deities in the middle altar differ from the Three Bodhisattvas typically associated with the middle altar of the Suryukjae ritual, the charts show consistency with the traditional arrangement of Buddhist ritual altars: uppermost altar in the north, middle altar in the east, and lowermost altar in the south, with the “inner gate” placed in the center and dividing the space. The uppermost and middle altars are inside the inner gate and thus are located in the purified world. Outside the inner gate are the altar of Ucchusma Vajra, where the unclean are purified, as well as the altars of guardian deities, such as the Vidyaraja (明王, Wisdom King), the Four Heavenly Kings, Indra, and the Eight Classes of Divine Beings (八部衆), all encircling the central space. Outside the inner gate and to its left and right are the altars of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. To the south is the lowermost altar, which is inscribed with a phrase that translates “All the lonely spirits in the world who died an unfortunate death before their time” and is flanked by altars for parents and for members of the royal family, bearing inscriptions stating “spirits of parents” and “spirits of kings and queens,” respectively. This indicates that the deceased parents and the deceased members of the royal family were counted among the lonely spirits of the lowermost altar, that they needed guidance to reach Paradise, and that they may have comprised part of the lowermost altar as indicated in Nectar Ritual paintings. Fig. 43. Uppermost, middle and lowermost altars in “Organization Chart of the Twelve Altars for Suryukjae over Three Days and Three Nights” (志磐三晝夜十二壇排設之圖). Joseon. Compilation of Buddhist Rituals and Relevant Records of Korea vol. 3 (한국불교의례자료총서 3권) (Seoul: Samseongam, 1993, p. 102) In these organizational charts, only the central courtyard of the temple is recognizable, and the names of the temple halls are barely seen. The inner gate at the center may be key to understanding the structure of the ritual site. Research in architectural history indicates that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a gate—a gate not found in contemporary Buddhist temple layouts—stood in the central courtyard in front of the main hall when Suryukjae rituals were performed, and that the main hall, inner gate, and gate-pavilion were all aligned one behind the other (Figs. 44 and 45) (Hong Byeonghwa 2010, 43-76 and 116-131). A representation of the Buddha likely appeared in the main hall, or perhaps a gwaebul painting was suspended in front of the main hall, that arrangement constituting the uppermost altar; the eastern wall of the main hall or the eastern side of the courtyard served as the middle altar with a painting of the Three Buddhas; and the gate-pavilion with a Nectar Ritual painting served as the lowermost altar (Fig. 46). Fig. 44. Changes in the arrangement of the central temple area in the Joseon Dynasty according to changes in outdoor rites. Nature and Significance of Buddhist Architecture of the Second Half of the Joseon Dynasty (조선후반기 불교건축의 성격과 의미) (Seoul: Yonsei University, 2010, Fig. 36) Fig. 45. Heungguksa Temple with an inner gate in front of the main hall: 1) Daeungjeon (main hall); 2) Beopwangmun Gate (1642); 3)Bonghwaru Pavilion (1729); 4) Cheongwangmun Gate. History of Architecture (건축역사연구) 62 (Seoul: Korean Association of Architectural History, 2009, Fig. 5) Fig. 46. Recreation of the Suryukjae ritual site When used today, Nectar Ritual paintings typically appear in the main hall of a temple, but records show that they were also hung in elevated pavilions or in bell pavilions in the past. For instance, a Nectar Ritual painting (dated to 1741) was hung in the Bonghwangru (鳳凰樓, Phoenix Pavilion) of Heungguksa Temple (興國寺) in Yeocheon, Gyeonggi Province; a Nectar Ritual painting (1765) was hung in the Manseru (萬歲樓, Pavilion of Ten Thousand Years) of Bongjeongsa Temple (鳳停寺) in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province; such a painting (1896) was hung in the Jonggak (鐘閣, Bell Pavilion) of Donghwasa Temple (桐華寺) in Daegu; and a Nectar Ritual painting (1900) was displayed in the Manseru (萬歲樓) of Tongdosa Temple. These records also indirectly indicate the location of the lowermost altar at these temples during the performance of the Suryukjae ritual and other large outdoor ceremonies. The Buddhist painter Seokjeong (石鼎, 1928 – 2012) said, “These days, Nectar Ritual paintings are hung on a side wall of the main hall, but in the past they were hung on the elevated pavilion facing the main hall. If the hall was small, the rites were held on the elevated pavilion facing the main hall and the lonely spirits were led to Paradise with a Nectar Ritual painting on the side wall of the pavilion.” His statement also helps in determining the location of the Nectar Ritual painting at the Suryukjae ritual site (Seokjeong 1995, 245). Outside the inner gate, the altars to the left and right feature paintings of the Messengers of the Four Units of Time and the Emperors of the Five Directions. There is no exact correlation between the names of the guardian deities on the charts and the figures on extant Buddhist paintings: even so, it can be assumed that paintings of Indra, the Eight Vajra Guardians, and the Four Bodhisattvas surrounded the area outside the inner gate. Because the Five Buddhas and Seven Buddhas were invoked at the lowermost altar, paintings of them would have hung in the elevated pavilion outside the inner gate where the lowermost altar was located or in another part of the courtyard outside the inner gate. Conclusion The article examined the connection between Buddhist paintings and the Suryukjae ritual, one of the major Buddhist rituals for guiding souls to heaven; the study was based on works in the collection of National Museum of Korea. In addition, it reexamined the role and placement of the paintings used in the Suryukjae ritual in light of charts in ritual books and temple layout plans. The Suryukjae ritual is both a religious ceremony and a majestic artistic performance with a structured narrative that could last for several days and nights. In this ritual, Buddhist paintings helped participants visualize the mutual exchanges between the invisible spirits and deities. The varied Buddhist paintings, each representing a distinct subject, are unified in the context of the Suryukjae ritual to create a holistic narrative. This interesting and useful perspective on Joseon Buddhist paintings offered by the Suryukjae ritual is expected to increase the opportunities for further research.
January 2014, vol.8, pp.28-43 DOI : https://doi.org/10.23158/jkaa.2014.v8_03
Most extant Korean crowns and associated regalia date from the Three Kingdoms Period (三國時代, 57 BCE-668 CE). Of the three kingdoms, Silla (新羅, 57 BCE-935 CE) seems to have produced the most crowns. Thus far, more than eighty Silla crowns, made from various materials, have been discovered, all of which are estimated to have been produced in the fifth and sixth centuries of Silla, within a period of 100 to 200 years. Most of the Silla crowns have been found in and around present-day Gyeongju, the former capital of Silla, but many have also been found in outlying areas. Significantly, some of the crowns discovered in the outlying areas predate the estimated time in which the central government sent its own officials to preside over those regions. The presence of such crowns in those outlying areas suggests that the people who wore the crowns were the rulers of those areas, rather than members of the royal court or central government. However, it is not known whether the crowns were given to regional leaders by the Silla government or produced locally by the regional rulers themselves (Jeon Deokjae 1990, 39-44). The Yeongdong region in eastern Gangwon Province (Fig. 1) represents the furthest reaches of the Silla Kingdom during the Three Kingdoms Period. This coastal area was once the site of fierce conflicts among local clans and confederacies, and then between Goguryeo (高句麗)and Silla, all vying to increase their maritime power. Eventually, however, Silla was able to expand through the territory and seize control, stabilizing the region and causing the conflicts to dissipate. The crucial significance that this region held for Silla is illustrated by the Silla tumuli that have been excavated and researched in areas such as Gangneung (Chodang-dong, Byeongsan-dong, Hasi-dong and Yeongjin-ri) and Donghae (Chuam-dong). These excavations have yielded numerous Silla artifacts from the fifth and sixth centuries, among which the crowns and crown ornaments stand out. In addition to symbolizing the power of a ruler, crowns and crown ornaments also reflect the contemporaneous culture of the region. Fig. 1. Map of Silla sites. In 2008, Chuncheon National Museum held a special exhibition entitled Crowns, the Symbol of Power: From Gyeongju to Gangwon Province. This exhibition featured crowns and crown ornaments excavated from the Yeongdong region, as well as some replicas of artifacts that had been badly damaged or destroyed. During the process of making the replicas, new information was discovered that greatly illuminated the relationship between the artifacts form the Yeongdong region and those of other regions. Based on that new information, this paper compares the crowns and crown ornaments excavated from the Yeongdong region with those found in other regions in order to identify and assess the regional differences in their characteristics. II. Crowns of the Yeongdong Region Prior to the Three Kingdoms Period, various local societies regularly battled for control of the Yeongdong region, a key strategic area that includes the coast on the East Sea.1 Silla eventually gained tentative control of the region, but still had to fend off incursions from Goguryeo and the Mohe people (靺鞨) of ancient Manchuria. Records of these conflicts can be found in volume 3, chapter 3 of Samguk Sagi (三國史記, History of the Three Kingdoms), entitled Annals of Silla. According to the records, the Mohe people attacked the region in 395, but they were eventually repelled. Then in 468, the combined forces of Goguryeo and Mohe attacked and conquered Silla’s Siljikseong Fortress (悉直城), located in present-day Samcheok. Silla eventually regained control of the territory, although details about how and when this happened are as yet unknown. Geographically, the Yeongdong region was of the utmost importance to Silla, because it was the gateway to the path down the east coast to Silla’s capital in present-day Gyeongju. Thus, in an effort to block its enemies from the north, Silla must have exerted efforts to incorporate the local powers of the Yeongdong region into its kingdom. As part of such efforts, Silla may have given crowns and crown ornaments to the local powers. Two Silla crowns have been found in the Yeongdong region: one gilt-bronze crown from Gangneung, and one bronze crown from Donghae. Two crowns is a small quantity when compared to the number of crowns found in other regions that Silla conquered between the fourth and sixth centuries. This small number may reflect the difficulty of forming large municipalities within such a narrow strip of land along the coast. Nonetheless, the presence of any Silla crowns demonstrates that some local powers in Gangneung and Donghae were deemed to be sufficiently large and important to receive crowns from the central government. A. The Gilt-bronze Crown The gilt-bronze crown was excavated from Chodang-dong Tomb B-16 in Gangneung. Figure 2 (left) shows the crown’s condition at the time it was excavated. To prevent further damage, the crown was originally preserved within the soil where it had been found. Recently, however, the dirt and other accretions were removed so that the crown could be properly conserved and restored (Fig. 2, right). During the conservation process, detailed photos were taken of the exposed parts of the crown, and X-rays photos were taken of the elements that remained concealed under the dirt. Utilizing the results of this research, this paper examines each part of this crown and compares them to related crowns found in other regions. Fig. 2. Gilt-bronze crown from Chodang-dong Tomb B-16, Gangneung, before (left) and after (right) conservation. (Chuncheon National Museum). Headband: Almost every Silla crown includes a headband made by bending a long rectangular strip of metal into a circle and then connecting the two ends with small rivets. Two small rivets were used to join the ends of this crown’s headband (Fig. 2a). Unlike other parts of this crown, the headband remained virtually intact. The most significant detail about the headband is that its upper edge is serrated (Fig. 2b), a circumstance that was confirmed by X-ray photography (Fig. 2c). In fact, this is the only Silla crown known to have a headband with a serrated edge. Fig. 2a. Detail of the two ends of the headband connected with nails. Fig. 2b. Detail of an upright connected to the headband with nails. Fig. 2c. X-ray photography of the connection between the headband and an upright. In addition to connecting the two ends of the headband, rivets were also used to attach the crown’s uprights to the headband. In this case, two rivets were used to attach a single, stand-alone upright (Fig. 2b), while three rivets were used in those areas where both an upright and one of the intersecting bands that fit across the head were attached (Fig. 2d). The uprights were likely attached to the headband with two rivets while the headband was still flat (i.e., before it was bent into a circle). However, the intersecting bands could only be attached after the headband had been formed into a circle, so an extra rivet was needed to attach them. Fig. 2d. Detail of an upright connected to the intersecting bands with nails. Uprights: Like other Silla crowns, this crown has several uprights attached to the headband. In this case, the crown has three tree-shaped uprights and two antler-shaped uprights. The tree-shaped uprights have three tiers of branches, each with two parallel rows of relief dots along the edges (Fig. 2e). Notably, in the middle of the upright, there seems to be a pattern of dots in the shape of a diamond, although it is not clear (Fig. 2f). This detail has rarely been seen on other excavated gilt-bronze crowns, although a similar dotted diamond design in the middle of an upright can be seen on a bronze crown found in Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, North Chungcheong Province (Fig. 3). In addition, a gilt-bronze crown from Ji-dong Tomb 2 in Andong (Fig. 4) features two rows of dots in the middle of the upright, along with larger circles that were stamped from the back. Fig. 2e. An upright (left) and its detail (right). Fig. 2f. Traces of a diamond-shaped design of dots in the middle of the upright. Fig. 2g. Detail of an antler-shaped upright. Fig. 2h. X-ray photography of the intersecting bands and the small dome-shaped ornament connecting the bands. Fig. 3. Bronze crown and upright from Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, North Chungcheong Province. (Cheongju National Museum). Fig. 3a. Small disc. Fig. 4. Upright of the gilt-bronze crown from Ji-dong Tomb 2 in Andong. (Gyeongju National Museum). Examination of the antler-shaped uprights revealed that the central branch and sub-branches were made separately and then joined together with two rivets (Fig. 2g). A similar manner of assembly can also be seen on a gold crown from Geumnyeongchong Tomb in Gyeongju (Fig. 5), as well as a gilt-bronze crown that is said to have been found in North Gyeongsang Province (Fig. 6), the province that includes Gyeongju. In the latter case, however, metal wires were used to attach the sub-branches to the central branch, rather than small rivets. It is difficult to determine the relation between the gilt-bronze crown from the Yeongdang region (Fig. 2) and those produced in the area of the capital (Figs. 5 and 6) based solely on the similarity between the antler-shaped ornaments. However, the style of the antler-shaped uprights of the Yeongdang crown would seem to indicate that the crown was produced via the same methods that were used in the capital, which would in turn suggest that the crowns excavated from the provinces may have been produced in the capital. Fig. 5. Detail of an antler-shaped upright of the gold crown from Geumnyeongchong Tomb in Gyeongju. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 6. Detail of an antler-shaped upright of the gilt-bronze crown said to have been discovered in North Gyeongsang Province. (Gyeongju National Museum). Intersecting Bands and Small Dome-shaped Ornament: In addition to the headband and uprights, the crown also includes two connecting bands that curve across the top of the wearer’s head, intersecting in the middle. Similar bands have been found on other Silla crowns, but their exact purpose or function remains unknown. Prior to conservation, these intersecting bands could not be seen with the naked eye. However, they were detected with X-ray photography, which also revealed a small dome-shaped ornament that capped the point where the bands intersect (Fig. 2h). Based on the X-rays, conservation was undertaken and the dome-shaped ornament was uncovered. The ornament is believed to have been both functional and aesthetic; it held the two bands in place at their point of intersection, and it was more decorative than rivets. To date, intersecting bands with a dome-shaped ornament have also been found on a gilt-bronze crown from Bisan-dong Tomb 37 in Daegu (Fig. 7); a gilt-bronze crown said to be from Ulsan (Fig. 8), which is now in the Ogura Collection of the Tokyo National Museum; and a gilt-bronze crown now at the Musée Guimet in Paris. Furthermore, the gold crown from Seobongchong Tomb in Gyeongju also has the intersecting bands, but it has decoration of three birds rather than a dome-shaped ornament (Fig. 9). Fig. 7. Gilt-bronze crown from Bisan-dong Tomb 37 in Daegu and detail of cross-shaped ornament connecting the intersecting bands. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 8. Gilt-bronze crown said to have been discovered in Ulsan (now in the Ogura Collection of Tokyo National Museum) and detail of dome-shaped ornament connecting the intersecting bands. Korean Cultural Heritage from the Ogura Collection of Tokyo National Museum (오구라 컬렉션 한국문화재). (Daejeon: National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage, 2005, plate 126). Fig. 9. Gold crown from Seobongchong Tomb in Gyeongju and the bird ornament connecting the intersecting bands. (National Museum of Korea). B. The Bronze Crown To date, only three Silla crowns made solely from bronze have been found, and they were found in the following three sites: Ulleung-gun, North Gyeongsang Province; Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, North Chungcheong Province; and Chuam-dong, Donghae, Gangwon Province. Only fragments of a bronze crown were found at Ulleung-gun, North Gyeongsang Province (Fig. 10), making it difficult to determine the crown’s overall shape and appearance. Apart from their material, the two other bronze crowns are especially interesting, because each has four uprights with shapes that vary from conventional tree-shaped uprights; in contrast, Silla gold and gilt-bronze crowns typically have three tree-shaped uprights and two antler-shaped uprights. Fig. 10. Bronze crown from Ulleung-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (History of Museum of Ulleung-gun). The bronze crown of the Yeongdong region was found in Chuam-dong Tomb Ga-21 in Donghae (Fig. 11), and it is still preserved in the condition in which it was excavated. Some fragments of the skull are still attached to the crown, proving that crown was placed on the head of the tomb occupant. According to the excavation report, the bone fragments were from the skull of an adult female (Catholic Kwandong University Museum 1994). Microscopic and X-ray analyses of this bronze crown provided the evidence for producing the replica. In fact, the X-rays were unable to reveal many parts of the crown, other than the small discs attached for decoration, so the reconstruction process relied heavily on microscopic analysis. Fig. 11. Bronze crown from Chuam-dong Tomb Ga-21 in Donghae upon conservation (left) and in X-ray photograph (right). (Chuncheon National Museum). Headband: The excavation report records the initial measurements of the bronze crown and includes a description of its condition and conservation treatment. Notably, however, according to the initial measurements, the full length of the headband was only 43.4 cm, which would seem to be too small to fit over the head of an average adult. Based on these measurements, a paper replica of the crown was made, and it indeed proved to be too small for an adult. Thus, additional measurements were taken after the conservation treatment, and the length of the headband was determined to be 56 cm. Accordingly, the space between the uprights increased to almost twice the original estimate (from 3.4 cm to 7.2 cm). Uprights: As mentioned, the uprights of the few Silla bronze crowns that have been discovered vary considerably from those of other Silla crowns. For example, no antler-shaped uprights have been found on the bronze crowns, and the main uprights do not have clearly delineated branches. These discrepancies in the uprights suggest that the bronze crowns were not produced at the same time as other Silla crowns, such as the gilt-bronze crown from Ji-dong Tomb 2 in Andong (Fig. 4). The four uprights of the bronze crown (Fig. 3) from Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, North Chungcheong Province are perforated with four tiers of holes; each of the holes comprises three overlapping circles, and each is encircled by an elongated ring of punched dots. Notably, the overlapping circles that form the holes are the same size as the small discs that were attached for decoration. Also, as seen in Figure 3a, some of the small discs are not perfectly circular, as some of the edges are very slightly flattened, matching the circumstances of the three overlapping circular perforations. Based on these details, the small circles were likely cut out to make the holes and then attached as the dangling decorative discs. The uprights of the bronze crown (Fig. 11a) from Chuam-dong, Donghae consist of a single sheet with three tiers of perforated rectangular holes. Two rows of dots were stamped along the outline of the uprights, as well as around the entire circumference of all three holes, rather than each individual hole. Between both the first and second holes and the second and third holes, there are slight indentations on each side, which may be minimal indicators of the branches of the uprights. Fig. 11a. Replica. Characteristics of the Bronze Crown: As mentioned, only three Silla bronze crowns have thus far been excavated. Based on the relative hierarchy of metals used to make crowns, one might expect that bronze crowns would have been produced in larger quantities than crowns made from gilt-bronze, silver, or gold. This clearly is not the case with Silla, however, as the vast majority of crowns so far discovered have been crafted of gilt-bronze. Thus, it is estimated that bronze crowns did not represent any official political status, unlike crowns of gold, gilt-bronze, and silver, which are believed to have been reserved solely for members of the royal family or other aristocratic rulers, either in the capital or in outlying areas. It seems highly likely that, rather than serving a political function, the bronze crowns were associated with people of some other special status, perhaps related to rituals, in various outlying areas. The “Miscellaneous” (雜誌) section of volume 32 of History of the Three Kingdoms includes a part that is dedicated to “Silla Rituals” (新羅 祭祀). According to the text, Silla state rituals can be divided into three categories based on their importance; the highest level was Daesa (大祀), followed by Jungsa (中祀), and then Sosa (小祀). The text records that, in Jungsa rituals for the “Four Seas,” the northern site of the rituals was Mt. Birye (非禮山) in Siljikgun (悉直郡). There are no other known references to a Mt. Birye, so it is not known which mountain is being referred to. Siljikgun, however, is the area of present-day Donghae and Samcheok, where the bronze crown was found (Kim Changkyum 2007, 167). This historical reference indicates that Silla rituals must once have been held around Donghae, which would seem to support the hypothesis that the bronze crowns were worn by those who led rituals, rather than by those with political power. In addition, as mentioned, the bronze crown from Donghae was worn by a deceased female, and women were known to have served as chief priests or shamans. One of the other Silla bronze crowns was found in Ulleung-gun, an island in the East Sea, more commonly known as Ulleung-do Island. Hence, it seems likely that that crown was related to rituals associated with the sea. In 505 (sixth year of Silla’s King Jijeung), the Silla central government appointed Yisabu (異斯夫), a famous general, as the local governor of Siljikgun (悉直軍主). Then, in 512 (thirteenth year of King Jijeung), Yisabu conquered Ulleung-gun and claimed it for Silla. Since the island had been conquered, there would have been no reason for the Silla government to confer a crown upon the local rulers. However, the residents of the island, who relied on the sea for their livelihood, almost certainly conducted rituals related to the sea. It is estimated that, after Yisabu’s conquest, as a measure of unity and conciliation, the central government likely allowed the people of Ulleung-gun to perform rituals or related events, almost at the level of state rituals. If so, then it is very likely that the government would have designated a person to be in charge of performing the rituals and then conferred a bronze crown upon that person. According to the “Silla Rituals” section, the Sosa (i.e., third-level) rituals were associated with different places. One of the places listed for those rituals is Jukji Geupbeolsangun (竹旨 及伐山郡), which refers to the area of present-day Yeongju in North Gyeongsang Province. Notably, this area is adjacent to Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, North Chungcheong Province, where the third bronze crown was found. It is certainly possible that, at the time the record was compiled, the area of Jukji Geupbeolsangun encompassed the area of present-day Ha-ri, Danyang-gun, which again supports the hypothesis that these bronze crowns were associated with rituals. In particular, Jukji (竹旨) is an ancient name of present-day Jungnyeongno (竹嶺路), an area that has long been an important hub for land transportation. Hence, it would seem that Silla likely held state rituals in sites near the capital, sites representing the four cardinal directions, and sites with heavy movement of people and goods (Koo Hyosun 2008). III. Crown Ornaments of the Yeongdong Region In addition to the previously discussed components, some Silla crowns also featured wing-shaped ornaments that were fitted into the crown or attached to the headband. Some of these ornaments resemble the slim wings of a bird, while others are more akin to the wider wings of a butterfly. Importantly, no such wing-shaped crown ornaments have ever been found in Goguryeo or Baekje sites. However, some Goguryeo tomb murals show people wearing helmets, or crowns, with a feather-shaped ornament. The Silla wing-shaped ornaments bear some resemblance to the feather-shaped ornaments in the Goguryeo murals, leading some scholars to speculate that the Silla artifacts reflect the influence of Goguryeo (Park Sunhee 2001; Jin Hongseop 1973). Goguryeo metal crown ornaments were made as grave goods, but unfortunately, there is almost no archeological evidence of such ornaments, making it difficult to determine their exact appearance. By contrast, numerous Silla metal crown ornaments have survived, almost matching the total number of extant Silla crowns. To date, a total of three Silla crown ornaments have been found in the Yeongdong region, including one gilt-bronze crown ornament and two silver crown ornaments. Initially, the two silver crown ornaments seem to be incomplete sets with some missing pieces. But given their unique characteristics, it is possible that they simply differ from other Silla crown ornaments and are not missing any parts. In terms of the overall form and style, the crown ornaments from the Yeongdong region do not match the superior quality of the crown ornaments found in the tombs of royalty and other rulers in the Silla capital. Nonetheless, they are believed to have had some symbolic significance and may have even served the function of a crown in outlying regions where no actual crown was present. In particular, the butterfly-shaped gilt-bronze crown ornament from Gangneung has an unconventional shape that has only been seen in a few artifacts, and thus may hold some special significance for the Yeongnam region. A. Butterfly-shaped Gilt-bronze Crown Ornament A gilt-bronze crown ornament with butterfly-shaped wings was excavated from Chodang-dong 84-2 Beonji Tomb A-1 in Gangneung (Fig. 12). Other similarly shaped crown ornaments have been recovered from the following sites: Tap-ri Chamber Tomb 3 in Uiseong-gun (Fig. 13); Myeongnyun-dong Tomb in Andong; Gyo-dong Tomb 11 in Changnyeong (Fig. 14); and Bisan-dong Tomb 59 in Daegu. Each of the three main segments of these ornaments (i.e., the central shaft and the two wings) was made from a single folded sheet of gilt-bronze. Fig. 12. Butterfly-shaped gilt-bronze crown ornament from Chodang-dong 84-2 Beonji Tomb A-1 in Gangneung. (Chuncheon National Museum). Figs. 12a through 12c. Details. Fig. 13. Butterfly-shaped gilt-bronze crown ornament from Tap-ri Chamber Tomb 3 in Uiseong-gun, North Gyeongsang Province. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 14. Butterfly-shaped gilt-bronze crown ornament from Gyo-dong Tomb 11 in Changnyeong, South Gyeongsang Province. (National Museum of Korea). The upper portion of the vertical shaft of the crown ornament from the Yeongdong region is severely corroded. However, the dots along its outer edges suggest that the shaft originally was shaped like five mountain peaks, akin to the ornaments in Figures 13 and 14. In the middle of the vertical shaft, there are two rows of dots forming a V-shape (Fig. 12a). The part of the vertical shaft that connects to the wings is perforated with two small holes that are also decorated with a row of dots (Fig. 12b). Like other butterfly-shaped crown ornaments, this one has dangling small discs attached to both the wings and the vertical shaft. More specifically, there are seven columns of small discs on each wing (Fig. 12) and three columns on the vertical shaft. Each dangling disc was attached with a wire that was twisted approximately five times to form a loop, and then inserted through the back of the sheet (Fig. 12c). B. Silver Crown Ornament I: Wings with No Vertical Shaft Two silver wing-shaped ornaments with no vertical shaft were recovered from Chodang-dong 123-3 Beonji Tomb C-1 in Gangneung (Fig. 15) (Ji Hyeonbyeong and Bak Yeonggu 1996). It is not known whether these ornaments had no vertical shaft to begin with, or if the shaft was lost or destroyed after burial. Notably, excavations of Bisan-dong Tomb 51 in Daegu also uncovered silver wing ornaments with no shaft (Fig. 16), but these are the only two known examples of wing-shaped ornaments with no shaft. Fig. 15. Pair of wings of a silver crown ornament from Chodang-dong 123-3 Beonji Tomb C-1 in Gangneung. (Chuncheon National Museum). Fig. 16. Pair of wings of a silver crown ornament from Bisan-dong tomb 51 in Daegu. (National Museum of Korea). The two wings in Figure 15 were cut into their tapered shape from a sheet of silver. Traces on the edges indicate that the cutting was not done with a scissors, but by repeatedly pressing a sharp instrument through the sheet. Along the outer edge of the wings, a single row of small holes was perforated from the front to the back to make a dot pattern. On the lower edge of the base of each wing, where they ostensibly would have been attached to the shaft, there is a wedge-shaped outline of perforated holes (Fig. 15a). Indentations between the holes indicate that the holes were once threaded with thin metal wire (Fig. 15a right). The wire traces near the base might initially suggest that the wings were originally connected to the vertical shaft with wire, but that is not necessarily the case. For example, another silver crown ornament (Fig. 17) from Kyungpook National University Museum also has holes in the base that are threaded with thin metal wire, but the vertical shaft of that ornament shows no traces of ever having been connected to the wings with metal wire. The same situation applies to silver crown ornaments excavated from various other tombs, including the south mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tombs in Gyeongju; Munsan-ri I Zone Tomb 4-1 in Dalseong-gun, Daegu (Fig. 18); and Imdang Tomb in Gyeongsan, North Gyeongsang Province. Thus, the intended function of the wire near the base of the wings remains unclear. Fig. 17. Silver crown ornament. (Kyungpook National University Museum). Fig. 18. Silver crown ornament from Munsan-ri I Zone Tomb 4-1 in Dalseong-gun, Daegu. (Daegu National Museum). C. Silver Crown Ornament II: Vertical Shaft with No Wings Oppositely, excavations at Byeongsan-dong 329 Beonji Tomb in Gangneung (Fig. 19) yielded a vertical shaft with no wing-shaped ornaments. In fact, there are no traces on the shaft to indicate that wing-shaped ornaments were ever attached to it. This is not an isolated case, as vertical shafts lacking wingshaped ornaments have also been found in other areas, including at Seongsan-dong Tomb 1 in Seongju (Fig. 20) and Gyo-dong Tomb 1 and 11 in Changnyeong (Figs. 21 and 22). Based on the lack of hooks, rivets, or other evidence of physical attachment, it is assumed that the vertical shafts without wing-shaped ornaments were probably once inserted into a crown. In any case, this discovery provides a compelling contrast to the previously discussed wing-shaped ornaments without vertical shafts that were found in Gangneung. Fig. 19. Vertical shaft of silver crown ornaments with no attached wing-shaped ornaments from Byeongsan-dong 329 Beonji Tomb 26 in Gangneung. (Chuncheon National Museum). Fig. 19a. Detail of the back. Fig. 20. Vertical shaft of silver crown ornament with no attached wing-shaped ornaments from Seongsan-dong Tomb 1 in Seongju. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 21. Vertical shaft of silver crown ornament with no attached wing-shaped ornaments from Gyo-dong Tomb 11 in Changnyeong. (National Museum of Korea). Fig. 22. Vertical shaft of silver crown ornament with no attached wing-shaped ornaments from Gyo-dong Tomb 1 in Changnyeong. (Gimhae National Museum). The vertical shaft from Gangneung was created from a sheet of silver that was cut and then folded in half lengthwise down the center. Interestingly, the folding does not seem to have been done with great precision, unlike that of the vertical shaft from Seongsan-dong Tomb 1 (Fig. 20). The upper edge of the Gangneung shaft has five sharp peaks, and the outer edges are lined with two rows of small perforations. There are also two parallel rows of small perforations horizontally traversing the center of the shaft. A guide line was scored on the back, between the two dotted rows (Fig. 19a). Notably, like some other excavated vertical shafts, this one has no perforations along its lower edge. This lack of decoration suggests that the lower part was not exposed, likely due to being inserted into a crown (Figs. 17, 19, and 20). IV. Conclusion This paper has utilized the results of recent research to examine the characteristics of Silla crowns and crown ornaments from the Yeongdong region of Gangwon Province, and also to compare these artifacts to counterparts found in other regions. Virtually all of the characteristics of the crowns and crown ornaments from the Yeongdong region are similar to those of related artifacts from other regions. One important exception is the headband of the gilt-bronze crown from Chodang-dong Tomb B-16 in Gangneung (Fig. 2), which is uniquely cut with a serrated edge, an unprecedented feature among Silla crowns. Of course, not every Silla tomb has been discovered, let alone excavated, so it is possible that other such crowns may be discovered in the future. Based on current evidence, however, the serrated edge may be interpreted as a distinctive trait of the Yeongdong region. To date, only three Silla bronze crowns have been excavated, including the one found in the Yeongdong region, in Chuam-dong, Donghae, Gangwon Province. The discovery of bronze crowns expands our understanding of the variety of materials used to make Silla crowns (from the previously known gold, silver, and gilt bronze). Most importantly, however, all three bronze crowns were found in sites associated with rituals. Various archaeological findings, technical discoveries, and historical records were presented to suggest that bronze crowns, unlike crowns of gold or gilt bronze, were probably not associated with political status, but were rather linked to the performance of rituals. This hypothesis is supported by the limited number of bronze crowns that have been discovered and by the fact that they have been found only in ritual-related areas distant from the capital. In addition, one bronze crown was discovered in Ulleung-gun, North Gyeongsang Province, an area that had already been conquered by Silla, and thus would not likely have been granted a political crown from the capital. The number of excavated Silla crown ornaments almost matches the number of excavated Silla crowns. Three Silla crown ornaments have been found in the Yeongdong region. The aesthetic quality of these ornaments is somewhat inferior to related ornaments found in the royal tombs of Gyeongju; even so, the ornaments from the Yeongdong region are believed to have served an important symbolic function for leaders in the outlying regions of the Silla Kingdom. Notably, the crown ornaments were elaborately decorated with numerous small, dangling discs, such that they are as resplendent as the gilt-bronze crowns themselves. As such, their significance and symbolic function may have been equal to that of the crowns themselves. Also, some of their unconventional characteristics may have been associated with the specific region where they were used. Finally, two interesting cases of silver crown ornaments found in the Yeongdong region were discussed: one case of wing-shaped ornaments with no attached vertical shaft, and one case of a vertical shaft with no attached wing-shaped ornaments. In several cases, an excavated vertical shaft and wing-shaped ornaments have been joined together during conservation treatment, even though there was no hard evidence to indicate that they were originally attached. A comparison of the silver crown ornaments excavated from the Yeongdong region with those from other regions reveals that there have been other cases of silver crown ornaments that were not attached. Further analysis of tomb murals showing crowns with ornaments or crowns made from organic materials (probably fabric) will surely help to explicate this matter.
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